ANTHROPOLOGICAL    SERIES 


^■TJiriVERSlTYyflLUNOlS. 

Field  Columbian  Museum 
Publication  6i. 

Vol.  Ill,  No.   2 


THE 


ORAIBI   POWAMU  CEREMONY 


BY 
H.    R.    VOTH. 


THE  STANLEY  McCORMICK  HOPI  EXPEDITION, 

George  A.  Dorsey, 

Curator,   Department  of  Anthropology. 
THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  illiNOIS 


Chicago,  U.  S.  A. 
December,  1901. 


r 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

uwiVERSITY  of  ILUNWS; 


Pl.  XXXVIII. 

EXPLANATION   OF    THE    POWAMU   ALTAR    AND   SAND    MOSAIC. 


1.  Cloud  symbols,  the  yellow  representing  the  north;  the  green,  the  west; 
the  red,  the  south;  the  white,  the  east. 

2.  Reredos  with  blossoms  and  probably  corn-ear  symbols. 

3.  Cloud  and  lightning  frame.  The  symbols  on  the  upper  part  of  the  cloud 
tablet  represent  clouds,  those  on  the  lower,  blossoms.  The  small  figure  in  the 
lightning  represents,  according  to  some,  Cotukvnanwu;  according  to  others, 
Chowilawu  or  Powamua. 

4.  Figure  of  the  Ho-Katcina. 

5.  Pookon,  the  god  of  protection 

6.  Cotukvnanwu,  god  of  thunder. 

7.  Chowilawu,  also  called  Powamua,  who  appears  as  a  Katcina  in  the  initia- 
tion ceremony. 

8.  Various  lightning  slabs. 

9.  Bahos  or  prayer  sticks. 

10.  Corn-ear  slabs. 

11.  Tokwi,  representing  a  bluff. 

12.  Bahomaking  outfit,  showing  partially  finished  bahos  and  the  material 
used  in  making  them. 

13.  Honey  pot. 

14.  Cloud  blower. 

15.  Gourd  rattles. 

16.  Medicine  bowl  with  aspergill  and  corn-ears. 

17.  Tiponi,  the  palladium  of  the  Powamu  chief. 

18.  Eagle  feathers:  one  is  used  in  the  purification  ceremonies. 

19.  An  old  basket  containing  small  pieces  of  various  kinds  of  food,  especially 
game.  The  object  is  called  "mother,'  and  is  the  tiponi  or  palladium  of  the  Kat- 
cina priest. 

20.  Monwikuru  or  sacred  water  vessel. 

21.  Tray  with  corn-meal. 

22.  Gourd  vessel  in  which  water  is  gotten  from  the  spring. 

23.  Sand  mosaic.  The  four  sides  of  the  square  are  called  wona  (planks);  the 
square  itself  is  said  to  represent  a  house.  The  terraces  at  the  end  of  the  wona 
represent  clouds,  and  the  black  projections  from  these  clouds  small  turkey  feather 
prayer  offerings.  The  four  small  circular  figures,  the  large  one  in  the  center,  and 
the  variously  colored  dots  on  the  sand  field,  symbolize  the  various  blossoms  of  the 
plants,  herbs  and  grasses  used  by  the  Hopi  for  food,  and  for  ceremonial,  medici- 
nal and  other  purposes. 


LIBRARV 

OF  The 

UNIVpJSnY^ILtfNOfS 


Field  Columbian   Museum 

Publication  6i. 

Anthropological  Series.  Vol.   Ill,  No.   2, 


THE 


ORAIBI    POWAMU  CEREMONY 


BY 
H.    R.    VOTH. 


THE  STANLEY  McCORMICK  HOPI  EXPEDITION, 
George  A.  Dorsey, 

Curator,    Department  of  Anthropology. 
THE  LIBRARY  OF  THE 

FEB  17  1938 

UNIVERSITY  «F  UllNOiS 


Chicago,  U.  S.  A. 

December,  1901. 


57  2^.05 
FA 

Cop. 2. 


THE  ORAIBI  POWAMU  CEREMONY. 


H.     R,    VOTH. 


NOTE. 

The  ceremoniology  of  the  Hopi  Indians  is  very  comprehensive  and  extremely 
complicated.  A  large  number  of  performances  have  already  been  observed  and 
more  or  less  fully  described,  especially  by  Dr.  J.  W.  Fewkes  of  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  Washington,  who  has  directed  his  studies,  however,  principally  to  the 
ceremonies  of  the  Hopi  living  on  the  East  Mesa.  Aside  from  the  valuable  publi- 
cations by  Dr.  Fewkes  on  parts  of  certain  ceremonies  of  the  people  of  the  Middle 
Mesa,  but  very  little  is  known  about  their  rites  and  none  of  them  have  thus  far 
been  studied  and  described.  In  Oraibi,  on  the  West  Mesa  and  the  seventh  of  the 
Hopi  villages,  a  number  of  ceremonies  have  been  observed  and  carefully  studied 
by  Mr.  H.  R.  Voth,  during  his  five  years'  residence  at  that  village  as  a  missionary. 
The  Powamu  ceremony  is  chosen  for  the  second  of  this  series  of  papers,  partly 
because  it  is  one  of  the  most  important,  complicated  and  interesting  of  those  held 
at  Oraibi,  and  partly  because  the  two  altars  and  four  sand  mosaics  belonging  to 
this  ceremony  have  been  reproduced  and  are  now  on  exhibition  in  this  Museum. 

GEORGE  A.  DORSEY, 
Curator,  Department  of  Anthropology. 

Chicago,  December  i,  1901. 


CONTENTS. 


Page. 

Preface         ..........  dj 

The  Powamu  Ceremony           .......  ji 

1.  The  personnel     ........  ji 

2.  Kivas  ---------  72 

3.  The  time  of  the  celebration       -            -            -            -            -            -  72 

4.  Powalawu,  the  introductory  ceremony       -            "            -            -  73 

5.  Interval  between  Powalawu  and  Powamu      -            -            -            -  83 

6.  The  Powamu  performances  in  the  kiva     -            -            -            -  84 

First  day         --------  84 

Second  day           -------  84 

Third  day        -            -            -            -            -            -            -            -  85 

Fourth  day             -------  85 

Fifth  day,  without  the  initiation  ceremony              -            -            -  86 
Fifth  day,  with  the  initiation  ceremony              -            -            -  88 
Sixth  day;  the  Katcin-yungni  (Katcina  "going  in  "  or  "  assem- 
bling •')            -----..  94 

Seventh  day    --------  106 

Eighth  day             -            -            -            -            -            -            -  106 

Ninth  day        -            -            -            -            -            -            -            -  no- 

The  Powamu  Katcina  dance  (night  ceremony)            -           -  12a 

Tenth  day       -            -            -            -       '    -            -            -            -  122 

Powamu  Songs     -            -            -            -            -            -            -            -  126 

Speeches  of  Powamu  Priest            -  .         -            -            -            -            -  I55 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Plate. 

XXXVIII, 

XXXIX. 

XL. 

XLI. 

XLII. 

XLIII. 

XLIV. 

XLV. 

XLVI. 

XLVII. 

XLVIII. 

XLIX. 

L. 

LI. 

LII. 

Lin. 

LIV. 

LV. 

LVI. 

LVII. 
LVIIL 

LIX. 

LX. 

LXI. 

LXII. 

LXIII. 
LXIV. 

LXV. 
LXVI. 

LXVII. 

LXVIIL 

LXIX. 

LXX. 

LXXI. 

LXXII. 

LXXIII. 

LXXIV. 


Opposite 
page 

Frontispiece 


Powamu  altar  and  sand  mosaic 

Powamu  priests:  a,  Siima;  b,  Qomahoiniwa     - 

Pipes,  reed  cigarette  and  fuse  -  -  .  .  . 

Various  bahos       ---.... 

Powalawu  sand  mosaic         --.-.. 

Powalawu  altar     ------- 

a,  Priests  singing  around  Powalawu  altar;  b,  Priests  blowing 
feathers  through  hatchway  -  -  -  .  . 

a,  Football  race;  b.  Growing  beans  in  kiva 

Powalawu  priest  depositing  prayer  offerings    - 

Powamu  sand  mosaic  -  - 

Figures  on  pota  discs      ------ 

Small  Powamu  altar  -...-. 

Tihu  of  the  Chowilawu  Katcina  '-  -  - 

Chowilawu  Katcina  dancing  -  -  -  - 

Katcina  initiation  sand  mosaic  (large)  -  -  -  - 

Katcina  initiation  sand  mosaic  (small)       -  - 

Katcina  initiation  altar   ------ 

Mongkohos     -------- 

a,  Candidates  for  the   Katcina  initiation  entering  the  kiva;  b, 
Katcina  priest  and  assistant  on  their  way  to  the  kiva 

Muyingwa  entering  the  Marau  kiva     -  -  -  . 

Tihus  of  the:    a,  Nakachok;  b,  Hototo;  c,  Mastop;   d,  Sohon- 
comtaka,  and  ^,  Palakway  Katcinas  -  -  . 

Tihus  of  the:    a,  Hahai-i;  b.  Ho;  c,  Sakwa  Ho,  and  d,  Movit- 
kuntaka  Ho  Katcinas  .  -  -  -  - 

The  Shrine  of  Achamali       ------ 

Tihus  of  the  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcinas 

«,  Ho  Katcinas  running  around  kiva;  ^,  Hahai-i  Katcina  enter- 
ing kiva  ------- 

Flogging  a  child        ------- 

fl,  Hahai-i  and  Aholi  Katcinas  waiting  at  the  Honani  kiva;  b, 
Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcinas  waiting  at  the  kiva 

The  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcinas  going  through  the  village     - 

a,  Huuve  Katcinas  distributing  presents;  b,  a  little  girl  with 
her  tihu  ---.-.. 

a.  The  Haaa  Katcina;  b,  The  Hote  and  other  Katcinas  - 

a.  The  Rattlesnake  Katcina;  b,  The  Cotukvnangwu  Katcina 

a,  The  Chaveyo  Katcina;  b.  The  Wayak  Ho  Katcinas    - 

a.  Unidentified  Katcina;  b,  an  old  couple 

a,  Tihu  of  the  Cooyok  Katcina  (male);  b^  Cooyok-Wuhti   Kat- 
cina (female)  -  -  -  -  -  ... 

Tihus  of  the:  a,  Mongwi  Katcina;  b,  Pachawo  Mana  Katcina; 
c,  Chaveyo  Katcina;  d,  Haaa  Katcina 

Tihus  of  the:  a,  Powamu  Katcina;  b,  Powamu  Katcina  mana; 
c,  Payatamhoya;  d,  Powamu  wuhtitiata     -  -  ,         - 

Powamu  Headdress  -  -  -  -  -  - 

66 


75 
75 
75 

17 

79 
8i 

82 

89 
89 
89 
89 
92 
94 
95 
95 
97 


99 
100 

lOI 
lOI 

103 

104 

III 

112 

114 
117 
117 
117 
117 

118 

119 

120 
120 


PREFACE. 

Although  the  author  has  observed  parts  of  this  ceremony  every 
year  since  1894  (except  1899  and  1900),  and  has  made  very  copious 
notes  and  drawings  on  the  same,  he  by  no  means  claims  to  be  able 
to  exhaust  the  subject.  Further  studies  will  reveal  new  details  and 
furnish  new  information,  especially  regarding  the  songs  and  the  sym- 
bolism of  certain  ceremonial  paraphernalia.  It  will  be  of  interest  also 
to  note,  in  future  observations  of  this  ceremony,  innovations  and 
modifications  that  are  being  made.  Where  such  have  been  noticed 
in  past  years,  attention  has  been  called  to  them  at  the  proper  place 
in  this  paper. 

Most  of  the  original  drawings  and  photographs  from  which  the 
illustrations  have  been  reproduced  were  made  by  the  writer.  Where 
others  are  used  it  is  so  stated  at  the  proper  place.  I  am  greatly 
indebted  to  Dr.  C.  F.  Millspaugh,  Dr.  O.  C.  Farrington,  Dr.  S.  E. 
Meek  and  Mr.  W.  A  Bryan  for  kindly  identifying  the  various  objects 
used  in  the  ceremony  and  mentioned  in  this  paper. 

The  following  rules  of  pronunciation  should  be  observed  in 
reading  the  Hopi  words: 

a,  e,  i,  o,  u  have  the  continental  sound;  a  as  in  "care";  c  between 
s  and  sh;  k  very  soft,  nearly  like  the  two  letters  ky  spoken  together; 
n  as  in  "canyon";  6  as  in  German  "Ol";  y  like  deep,  guttural  k;  ii 
as  in  German  "fiir";  u  as  in  "fur." 

While  most  of  the  objects  for  which  the  Hopi  names  are 
given  have  been  more  or  less  explained  in  the  paper,  a  list  of  those 
words,  with  a  brief  explanation  which  may  be  easily  referred  to,  is 
here  given: 

Anchaa:     Very  well;  all  right. 

Atoe:     A  ceremonial  blanket,  red,  white  and  blue  colors. 

Askwali:     Thank  you  !     Used  by  the  women  only. 

Baho:     Prayer  offering,  consisting  of  one  flat  or  two  round  sticks,  to 

which  feathers,  herbs  and  usually  a  corn  husk  packet  containing 

corn-meal  and  honey  is  attached. 
Baholawu:     To  make  bahos. 
Batni:     A  well,  cistern,  etc. 

67 


68  Preface. 

Chaakmongwi:     Crier. 

Hikwsi:     A  small  feather  with  two  cotton  strings  tied  to  it. 

Kihu:     House;  shrine. 

Kwakwai:     Thanks  !     Used  by  men  only. 

Kuna:     A  sage  (Artemisia  frigida),  attached  to  almost  all  bahos. 

Kalehtaka:     A  warrior;  warrior  priest. 

Kelehoya:     A  candidate  to  be  initiated  into  a  secret  society. 

Kopichoki:     A  cedar  fuse  to  light  ceremonial  cigarettes. 

Kikmongwi:     Village  chief. 

Mana:     A  maid;  virgin. 

Mongwikuru:     A  small  netted  gourd  used  in  ceremonies. 

Mociata:     The  corn  husk  packet  on  the  bahos. 

Mongwi:     Chief;  chief  priest. 

Makwanpi:     An  aspergill  to  asperge  with  from  the  medicine  bowl. 

Mongkoho:  A  notched  slab  with  turkey  feathers,  which  is  the  badge 
of  office  of  certain  clans  and  priests. 

Mochapngonkwava:     A  ceremonial  sash,  embroidered. 

Maovi:     A  herb,  attached  to  nearly  all  bahos. 

Nakwakwosi:  A  prayer  offering,  consisting  of  a  small  feather  with  a 
short  cotton  string  tied  to  it. 

Ngoloshhoya:     A  crook. 

Natsi:     Society  emblem  or  standard. 

Owa:     A  white  ceremonial  blanket;  bridal  robe. 

Oongawa:     A  stew  of  corn,  mutton,  etc. 

Omaotapi:     A  large  pipe  for  blowing  cloud  on  the  altar. 

Piki:     Thin  paper  bread,  made  of  corn-meal  and  water. 

Powatani:     To  fix  up;  put  in  shape;  put  in  order,  etc. 

Pookong:     The  God  of  war. 

Pitkuna:      Ceremonial  kilt. 

Piihtawi:     A  small  feather  with  a  cotton  string  tied  to  it. 

Sipapu:  An  imaginary  opening  in  the  Grand  Canon  from  which  the 
human  family  is  said  to  have  emerged,  and  which  is  represented 
in  kivas,  on  altars,  etc. 

Tingapngwu:     The  announcing  of  a  ceremony. 

Taiwa:.    Face;  facet  in  a  baho  stick. 

Taka:      Man. 

Talassi:     Corn  pollen. 

Tiponi:  The  badge  or  emblem  of  office  of  any  chief  priest.  It  con- 
sists of  a  corn  ear  wound  with  cotton  string  and  having  differ- 
ent kinds  of  feathers  tied  to  it;  also  some  pieces  of  shell,  tur- 
quoise, etc. 

T5t6eqpi:     An  eagle-wing  bone  whistle. 


Preface.  69 

Tawahona:  Red  horsehair  tied  to  a  string;  used  as  a  kilt  and  also 
on  sun  symbols. 

Toihi:  A  white  ceremonial  blanket  with  a  black  embroidered,  deco- 
rated border. 

Tihu:     A  doll. 

Tuoynahka:  Ear  pendant,  consisting  of  a  thin  wooden  tablet,  one 
side  of  which  is  covered  with  small  pieces  of  turquoise. 

Wuhti:     Woman. 

Wonawika:  A  small  wooden  implement  said  to  have  been  formerly 
used  as  a  weeding  implement,  now  in  ceremonies  only. 

Wotaka:  A  mush  of  corn-meal  and  water,  eaten  usually  in  cere- 
monies. 


IIBRARV 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.   XXXIX. 


PowAMu  Priests. 


Pl.  XXXIX.    Two  PowAMU  Priests. 


Siima.     For  many  years  chief  Powamu  priest.     Now  dead. 
Qomahoiniwa,  brother  of  Siima  and  now  chief  Powamu  priest. 


THE  POWAMU  CEREMONY.* 


1.    THE   PERSONNEL. 


The  ceremony  herein  described  is  celebrated  under  the  direction 
of  the  chief  priest  of  the  Powamu  fraternity,  who  is  assisted  by  the 
Katcina  chief.  Until  1896  the  Powamu  chief  was  Siima,  of  the 
Honani  clan,  then  about  eighty-iive  years  old.  Upon  his  death  in  the 
month  of  July  of  that  year,  his  younger  brother,  Qomahoiniwa  (see 
PI.  XXXIX),  became  his  successor  and  has  held  that  position  ever 
since.  Repeated  inquiry  on  my  part  at  different  sources  elicited  the 
information  that  Siima  himself  had  made  this  appointment  and  had 
for  some  time  previous  given  his  brother  special  instruction  regarding 
the  duties  connected  with  the  office.  Qomahoiniwa  is  probably  about 
seventy  years  old,  is  also  a  member  of  the  Honani  clan  and  belongs 
to  various  religious  societies,  such  as  the  Snake,  Drab  Flute,  and 
Horn.  He  is  considered  one  of  the  best  informed  men  on  the  songs 
of  the  Hopi. 

The  part  of  the  Katcina  chief,  who  always  c5operates  with  the 
Powamu  chief,  was  taken  from  1894-1896,  inclusive,  by  a  compara- 
tively young  man  named  Moshohungwa,  of  the  Parrot  and  Crow  clan, 
although  the  regular  Katcina  chief,  Talangakyoma,  was  at  that  time 
still  living  and  performed  his  duties  on  other  occasions  where  they 
were  less  arduous.  -The  only  reason  for  this,  that  I  could  learn,  was 
that  Talangakyoma  was  old  and  infirm  and  could  not  stand  the  strain 
of  the  nine-day  ceremony.  As  I  knew  him  to  be  of  a  feeble  constitu- 
tion, I  am  disposed  to  give  credence  to  this  information.  When  he 
died  in  1895,  his  nephew,  Massavestiwa,  of  the  Katcina  clan  (son  of 
his  sister),  was  appointed  Katcina  chief.  Siima  protested  against 
this  appointment  and  wished  to  retain  Moshohungwa ;  the  principal 
reason  given  by  him  was  that  Massavestiwa  knew  hardly  any  of  the 
songs,  while  Moshohungwa  did  and  had  otherwise  had  experience  in 
assisting  in  the  ceremony.      Siima's  protest  was  overruled,  however, 

*The  name  Powamu  is  derived  from  pa-watani,  to  put  in  order,  in  proper  shape  or  condition, 
as  by  this  ceremony  the  fields  and  gardens  are  put  in  proper  condition,  symbolically,  protected 
against  destructive  forces  (sand  storms,  ants,  etc.),  and  in  every  way  consecrated,  as  it  were,  for 
the  approaching  planting  season. 

71 


72         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

by  the  village  chief,  Lolulomai,  who  is  at  the  same  time  assistant 
priest  of  the  Soyal  ceremony,  and  who  also  urged  that  Massavestiwa's 
inherited  claim  to  the  position  was  better  than  that  of  Moshohungwa. 
At  my  visit  to  Oraibi  in  December,  1899,  however,  Moshohungwa 
told  me  that  he  had  now  been  reinstated  as  Katcina  chief  and  that 
Massavestiwa  was  to  be  leader  of  the  Tataukiiamu  (the  Singer 
society),  of  which  the  former  Katcina  chief,  Talangakyoma,  had  also 
been  leader,  and  in  the  1901  ceremony  Moshohungwa  again  acted  as 
Katcina  chief. 

Besides  these  two  leaders,  from  eight  to  twelve  men  generally 
participated  in  the  ceremony.  These  belong  to  different  clans,  the 
Badger,  Reed,  Sand,  Crow,  Bow,  Rabbit  or  Tobacco,  Parrot,  and, 
perhaps,  a  few  others.  In  addition  to  these,  a  "sponsor"  of  every 
candidate  for  initiation,  and  also  a  few  women,  are  present  on  the 
evening  of  the  Powamu  initiation  ceremony,  which  will  be  fully 
described  later  on. 

2.     KIVAS. 


The  Powamu  ceremony  proper,  as  well  as  its  introductory  cele- 
bration (Powalawu),  takes  place  in  the  Honani  (Badger)  kiva,  which 
is  also  known  as  the  Powul  (Butterfly),  Shuatyawa  (Straight  or  just 
downward),  and  Hochichwi  kiva  (Zigzag  kiva*). 

The  so-called  Katcina  initiation,  however,  which  takes  place  on 
the  sixth  day  of  Powamu,  is  performed  in  the  Marau  kiva,  which  is 
the  only  kiva  in  Oraibi  that  belongs  exclusively  to  the  women.  Dur- 
ing the  ceremony  beans  are  planted  and  grown  in  almost  all  the  kivas 
of  the  village,  as  will  be  more  fully  explained  later  on. 

During  the  time  of  a  ceremony  no  one  is  allowed  to  enter  the 
kiva  in  which  it  takes  place.  The  men  who  usually  occupy  such  a 
kiva,  when  not  in  use  for  ceremonial  days,  vacate  it  during  the  time 
of  a  ceremony  and  accept  the  hospitality  of  some  other  kiva  until  the 
ceremony  is  over.  This,  however,  applies  in  this  case  only  to  the 
Honani  kiva;  those  in  which  only  beans  are  grown  are  used  as  usual. 

3.     THE   TIME   OF  THE   CELEBRATION. 


The  Hopi  determine  their  months  by  the  moon,  the  name  for 
moon  and  month,  muyawuu,  being  the  same.      The  time  from  the  new 

♦It  is  stated  that  the  name  "Shuatyawa"  is  sometimes  used  because  the  badger's  hole 
"  runs  down"  into  the  earth  ;  the  name  "  Zigzag"  because  formerly  the  Bow  clan  owned  that  kiva 
■with  the  Badger  clan  and  because  Hopi  bows  are  often  decorated  with  a  white  zigzag  line  running 
along  the  whole  length  of  the  bow. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  73 

moon  until  the  moon  "dies,"  that  is,  until  another  new  moon  appears, 
constitutes  a  month.  The  period  which  corresponds  approximately 
to  our  month  of  February  is  called  Powamuya.*  In  this  month,  the 
beginning  of  which  sometimes  overlaps  with  the  last  days  of  January, 
the  Powamu  ceremony  takes  place.  Whether  the  month  derived  its 
name  from  the  ceremony,  or  vice  versa,  I  cannot  say,  but  the  informa- 
tion thus  far  obtained  on  this  point  justifies  the  belief  that  the  former 
alternative  is  the  case.  Following  are  the  dates  when  the  ceremonies 
took  place  in  the  years  observed  : 

PowALAwu.  Powamu. 

In  1894 February    4  February  13-21 

In  1895 Not  recorded  February    3-1 1 

In  1896 February  14  February  22  to 

March  2 

In  1897 February    i  February    9-17 

In  1898 January     23  February    2-10 

In  1899 Not  observed 

In  1900 Not  observed 

In  1901 January     20  January     30  to 

February    7 


4.     POWALAWU,  THE   INTRODUCTORY   CEREMONY. 


About  eight  days  prior  to  fhe  beginning  of  the  Powamu  ceremony 
proper  an  interesting  one-day  ceremony  takes  place,  known  as  Powa- 
lawu.  It  is  still  an  open  question  with  the  writer  whether  this  per- 
formance should  not  be  treated  as  an  independent  ceremony  rather 
than  as  a  part  of  the  Powamu  celebration,  and  it  may  be  found  upon 
further  study  that  originally,  at  any  rate,  it  was  a  distinct,  independ- 
ent ceremony.  But  the  facts  that  other  nine-day  celebrations  are 
preceded  by  a  short  ceremony, f  that  most  of  the  participants  in 
Powalawu  also  take  part  in  Powamu,  that  the  same  leaders  officiate  in 
both  ceremonies,  and,  especially,  that  a  close  relation  seems  to  exist 
between  the  two,  justify  its  treatment  for  the  present  as  a  part  of  and 
introductory  to  the  Powamu  ceremony. 

Below  are  given  the  names  and  clan  relations  of  the  participants 
in  the  years  1896,  1898  and  1901.  In  the  other  years  I  failed  to 
record  the  names,  but  they  were  nearly  the  same  : 

*Frotn  ^' potvatani,"  to  put  in  proper  shape,  in  order,  or  in  proper  condition,  and  vtuyawuu 
month. 

tThis  is  usually  called  bahota-wu,  and  generally  takes  place  in  the  evening;  sometimes,  how- 
ever, as  in  the  case  of  the  Snalce  and  Antelope  fraternities,  in  the  morning.  The  announcement  on 
the  next  morning  of  the  coming  ceremony  is  called  tingapng-wu,  or  sometimes  simply  chaalawu 
<to  cry  out  or  announce). 


74         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

1896. 

1  Siima  ;  chief  Powamu  priest,  Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

2  Massavestiwa  ;  chief  Katcina  priest,  Katcina  clan. 

3  Qomahoiniwa  (Siima's  brother)  ;    Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

4  Koyongainiwa  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

5  Lomaashniwa  ;  Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

6  Qotcwuyaoma  ;  Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

7  Punnamoniwa  ;  Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

8  Qoyangotiwa ;  Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

9  Wungwniima  ;  Pakab  (Reed)  clan. 

10  Mashaheptiwa  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

11  Massaveima  ;  Tavo  (Rabbit)  and  Piva  (Tobacco)  clan. 

12  Mosahungwa ;   Karro   (Parrot),  Angwusha  (Crow)   and  Kat- 

cina clan. 

1898. 

1  Qomahoiniwa ;  chief  Powamu  priest,  Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

2  Massavestiwa  ;  chief  Katcina  priest,  Katcina  clan. 

3  Kiwanhungwa  ;   Pihkash  (Young  Corn  Ear)  clan. 

4  Koyongainiwa  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

5  Lomaashniwa  ;  Tuwa  (Sand)  clan. 

6  Qotcwuyaoma  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

7  Qoyawaima  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

8  Matswo  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

9  Massaveima  ;  Tavo  (Rabbit)  and  Piva  (Tobacco)  clan. 
10  A  small  boy  (name  not  recorded). 

1 90 1. 

1  Qomahoiniwa  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

2  Koyongainiwa  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

3  Kashwahtiwa  ;   Honani  (Badger)  clan. 

4  Lomaashniwa  ;  Tiiwa  (Sand)  clan. 

5  Massaveima  ;  Tavo  (Rabbit)  and  Piva  (Tobacco)  clan. 

6  Mosahungwa  ;  Karro  (Parrot),    Angwusha   (Crow)  and   Kat- 

cina clan. 

7  Shuyurztima  ;   Pakab  (Reed)  clan. 

At  about  sunrise  of  the  day  appointed  for  the  Powamu  ceremony, 
the  men,  having  been  notified  by  the  Powamu  priest  on  the  preceding 
day,  begin  to  assemble  in  the  kiva.  The  leaders  bring  with  them  their 
boxes  and  bags  with  feathers,  paints,  roots,  corn-meal,  etc.,  and  also 
some  sticks  for  bahos*,  various  herbs,  and  other  objects  to  be  used  in 

♦Sometimes  the  chief  priest  prepares  the  sticks  for  the  bahos  on  the  previous  day,  as  they  are 
usually  crowded  for  time  the  next  day. 


IIBRARV 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  oflLLINOifJ 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XL. 


Pipes,  Reed  Cigarette  and  Fuse. 


Pl.  XL.     Pipes,  Reed  Cigarette  and  Fuse. 


1.  Omawtapi  (cloud  blower).  Procured  from  Siima.  Had  been  used  by 
him  in  many  ceremonies. 

2.  Kopichoki  (cedar  bark  fuse),  used  for  lighting  a  reed  cigarette;  sometimes 
also  used  for  other  purposes. 

3.  Chons^otki  (reed  cigarette).  Used  for  smoking  on  to  Katcinas,  etc.  This 
as  well  as  the  kopichoki  was  made  by  and  obtained  from  the  pipe-lighter  in  a 
Powamu  ceremony. 

4.  Sakwachongo{gxttn  pipe),  made  of  a  greenish  stone  and  used  in  cere- 
monies only. 

5  to  9.  Various  types  of  Hopi  pipes  used  in  ceremonies  as  well  as  for  cere- 
monial smoking. 


OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  IlLWOtS 


FIELD   COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  XLI. 


Various  Bahos. 


Pl.  XLI.     Bahos,  Etc. 


Sun  baho  as  prepared  by  different  fraternities. 


Sun  baho  as  prepared  by  the  Kwan  (Agave)  fraternity. 
Sun  baho,  same  as  No.  i,  but  with  two  corn  husk  packets. 

4.  Common  double  green  baho,  made  by  different  fraternities. 

5.  Common  double  baho,  one  stick  green,  the  other  black,  and  from  this  fact 
also  called  naaiongtuaho.     Made  by  members  of  the  Powamu  fraternity  only. 


UNI  VERSITy  of  ILLINOIS 


Pl.  XLII.    Powalawu  Sand  Mosaic. 


Fully  described  and  explained  in  the  text  of  the  paper.     (See  pages  75-76.) 


•vis^aty*  ,v4r:-^''"f"' 


Dec.   1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  75 

the  ceremony,  and  last  but  not  least,  a  supply  of  pipes  (see  PI.  XL) 
and  native  tobacco  (Nicotina  attenuata  Tow).  Smoking  is  a  very 
important  feature  in  every  Hopi  ceremony.  First  the  kiva  is  swept,  a 
fire  built  and  then  some  silent  smoking  is  indulged  in,  every  new- 
comer joining  the  smokers.  The  Powamu  priest  then  retires  to  the 
northwest  corner  of  the  kiva,  the  place  usually  occupied  by  the  chief 
priest  in  all  Hopi  ceremonies  and  begins  making  bahos  or  prayer 
sticks,  in  which  he  is  assisted  by  the  Katcina  chief.  These  bahos  con- 
sist of  two  sticks  about  four  and  one-half  inches  long  and  three-eighths 
to  one-half  an  inch  thick,  one  of  which  he  paints  entirely  green,  the 
other  black  ;  with  the  exception  of  a  small  notch  at  the  upper  end  of 
the  green  stick,  which  is  called  the  face  {tatwa)  of  the  baho  and  is 
painted  light  brown.  These  two  sticks  are  tied  together,  and  to  the 
obverse  side  is  fastened  a  small  pouch  made  of  corn  husk  containing 
some  corn-meal  mixed  with  honey.  To  this  pouch  is  fastened  a  small 
feather  of  a  tokotska,  a  buffalo  or  cow  bird  (Molothrus  ater  obscurus 
Gmel.)  To  the  obverse  side  of  the  sticks  are  tied  a  small  turkey 
feather,  a  sprig  of  kuiia  (Artemisia  frigida)  and  a  sprig  of  maovi 
(Guetteriza  Euthamiae).  (See  PI.  XLI.)  The  chiefs  then  make  four 
other  double  bahos,  which  are  essentially  the  same  as  the  above,  but 
are  put  into  certain  baho  stands  to  be  described  presently,  while  the 
others  are  carried  to  the  various  kivas  the  next  day.  At  about  this 
time  one  of  the  men  belonging  to  the  Sand  clan — generally  Lomaash- 
niwa — is  sent  after  dry  sand  for  the  sand  mosaic.  He  takes  with 
him  a  little  corn-meal  and  two  nakwakwosis,  which  one  of  the  two 
leaders  has  made.  Arriving  at  the  sand  hill  he  holds  the  nakwakwosis 
and  meal  to  his  lips,  whispers  a  silent  prayer,  deposits  both  on  the 
sand  hill  and  then  fills  his  blanket  with  sand  and  takes  it  to  the  kiva. 
Here  several  men  at  once  commence  making  the  sand  mosaic  (see 
PI.  XLH),  while  others  prepare  the  accessories  to  be  placed  around 
the  mosaic.  They  first  make  the  sun  symbol  in  the  center.  The 
four  circles  represent  the  perihelion  of  the  sun  and  are  called  "house 
of  the  sun,"  the  yellow  being  with  the  Hopi  the  color  of  the  north, 
the  blue  or  green*  of  the  west,  the  red  of  the  south,  the  white  of  the 
east,  and  the  black  of  the  northeast  or  the  above.  For  the  south- 
west, representing  the  below,  different  colors  are  used,  and  in  this 
instance  below  is  probably  represented  by  the  groundwork  or  field  of 
the  mosaic  itself.  The  four  arrow-shaped  projections  on  the  four 
sides  of  the  sand  mosaic  and  the  lines  running  through  them,  repre- 
sent house  \i\o%sovcis(kihut-sihuata^,  here,  of  course,  of  the  "houses  of 

*The  Hopi  call  the  various  shades  of  blue  and  the  darker  or  bluish  shades  of  green  sakwa- 
■wussa.    For  the  light  "  grass  green"  shades,  however,  they  have  another  word,  moktngpu. 


76         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

the  sun."*  A  small  quartz  crystal,  to  which  an  eagle  feather  puhtavt 
(road)  is  attached,  is  placed  in  the  center  of  the  sun  symbol.  This  is 
called  the  heart  of  the  sun.  The  four  white  lines  with  branch-like 
projections,  and  the  seven  red  lines  emanating  from  the  sun  symbol 
proper,  represent  eagle  feathers  and  bunches  of  red  horsehair,  both  of 
which  symbolize  the  ^^iawa  sowitsmP\{svLn  beard)  or  the  rays  of  the 
sunf. 

The  accessories  to  the  sand  mosaic  consist  of  the  following 
objects  : 

Nos.  1-4:  Four  haho-tocktwas  {hdih.0,  or  prayer  stick  "fields"). 
These  consist  of  a  clay  stand  two  and  one-half  by  two  and  one-half  by 
five  and  three-quarters  inches  in  size,  painted  black.  In  these  are 
inserted  at  one  end  a  small  ngoloshhoya  (crook)  about  five  and  one-half 
inches  long,  to  which  a  turkey  feather  is  fastened.  The  crook  is  in 
Hopi  ceremoniology  the  symbol  of  life  in  its  various  stages.  Next  to 
this  stands  one  of  the  four  bahos,  already  described,  representing 
corn,  the  main  subsistence  of  the  Hopi.  These  double  bahos  are 
sometimes  called  '^kao'^  (corn  ears);  and  then  a  sprig  of  an  herb  to 
which  four  qoqopi,  chat  (Icteria  virens),  feathers  are  tied.  Sometimes 
sikatsi  (fly-catcher)  feathers  are  used  instead.  The  herbs  differ  in  the 
four  stands.  The  one,  on  the  north  side  is  a  shiwahpi  (Bigelovia  bige- 
lovii);  the  one  on  the  west  a  //^^wa/^// (Artemisia  filifolia),  on  the  south 
a  hunwi  (Fallugia  paradoxa)  and  on  th^  east  a  masst  s/iiwakpt  (Bigelo- 
via. bigelovii|).  These  four  herbs,  and  especially  the  two  varieties  of 
shiwahpi,  are  used  in  making  the  wind-breaks  in  the  fields,  and  their  use 
here  signifies  a  prayer  or  wish  for  protection  of  the  plants  and  corn 
against  the  destructive  sand  storms  for  which  these  wind-breaks  are 
made.  Next  to  the  herb  is  inserted  an  eagle  feathef,  to  which  four  sikatsi 
(fly-catcher)  feathers  are  tied  as  a  prayer  for  warm  weather  when  the 
birds  come.     As  the  Hopi  use  the  term  sikatsi  rather  promiscuously 

*The  square  on  the  sand  mosaic  shown  on  Pis.  XXXVIII  and  XLVII  is  called  ^/Aw  and  the  four 
parallel  corn-meal  lines  made  on  the  kiva  or  house  walls  in  many  ceremonies  are  designated  by  the 
same  name.  Ail  Hopi  houses  are  said  to  have  imaginary  stiiuata  (blossoms)  and  ngayata  (roots) 
and  on  the  eighth  day  of  those  Powamu  celebrations,  following  an  extended  or  complete  VVowochim 
ceremony,  the  Powamu  priest  buries  four  bahos,  one  on  each  side  of  the  village.  He  digs  a  hole  on 
the  outside  and  close  to  the  foundation  of  four  houses,  standing  on  the  outside  of  the  village  (one 
on  the  north,  one  on  the  west,  one  on  the  south  and  one  on  the  east  side),  places  a  baho  into  the 
opening,  leaning  it  against  the  foundation,  and  covers  it  up  with  earth.  These  four  bahos  are  called 
the  ngayata  (roots)  of  the  village  or  of  the  houses. 

tin  the  large  sun  discs  worn  on  the  back  by  the  flute  players  in  the  flute  ceremony  these  two 
objects  are  used  to  represent  the  rays.  Furthermore,  in  two  ancient  bowls  in  the  collection  of 
cream-colored  pottery  and  on  a  gourd  drum  in  this  Museum  the  rays  of  the  sun  are  pictured  by 
figures  which  very  clearly  represent  eagle  feathers  and  by  red  lines,  which  by  the  Hopi  are  said  to 
represent  bunches  of  red  horsehair. 

*The  Hopi  distinguish  between  the  Bigelovia  on  the  north  side  of  the  altar  and  the  Bigelovia 
on  the  east  side,  claiming  that  the  first,  the  slitp-wahpi,  is  a  somewhat  smaller  plant  than  the  latter, 
the  massi  (gray)  ship-wahpt. 


OP  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILtlNOIS 


FIELD   COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.  XLIII. 


PowALAwu  Altar. 


Pl.  XLIII.     PowALAwu  Altar. 

EXPLANATION   OF    THE   ALTAR. 


1.  Sun  symbol  with  a  quartz  crystal  in  the  center. 

2.  The  rays  of  the  sun. 

3.  The  four  world  quarters,  the  yellow  representing  the  north;  the  green, 
the  west;  the  red,  the  south;  the  white,  the  east;  the  black,  the  above;  and  the 
field  itself  probably  the  below. 

4.  Not  identified,  probably  thunderbolts. 

5.  Baho  stands,  with  the  following  variations:  The  one  on  the  north  side 
contains  a  sprig  of  shiwahpi  (Bigelovia  Bigelovii)  and  a  yellow  single  baho  stick. 
The  one  on  the  west  a  sprig  of  howakpi  (Artemisia  filifolia)  and  a  green  stick. 
The  one  on  the  south  a  sprig  of  hunwi  (Fallugia  paradoxa)  and  a  red  stick.  The 
one  on  the  east  a  sprig  of  massishiwahpi  (Bigelovia  Bigelovii).  The  Hopi  make 
a  distinction  between  this  Bigelovia  and  that  on  the  north  side,  the  latter  plant 
being  smaller  than  the  other. 

6.  Food  balls,  made  of  sweet  corn-meal. 

7.  Reed  tubes  containing  small  oriole  feathers. 

8.  Balls  made  of  clay  and  painted  black;  to  be  offered  to  the  sand- 
storm god. 

9.  Reed  tubes  containing  small  blue-bird  feathers. 

10.  Corn  husk  with  some  corn-meal  and  a  mouse. 

11.  Spear  heads. 

12.  Medicine  bowl  and  aspergill. 

13.  Tray  with  meal  made  of  various  seeds. 

14.  Tray  with  bahos  (prayer  sticks). 

15.  The  Natsi  (standard)  of  the  Powamu  fraternity. 

16.  Eagle  wing  bone  whistle. 

17.  Tiponi,  the  palladium  of  the  chief  Powamu  priest. 


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Dec.    1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  77 

for  different  small  birds  with  yellow  and  greenish  feathers,  such  as 
the  fly-catchers  and  certain  kinds  of  warblers,  it  is  very  probable  that 
feathers  of  any  of  these  birds  are  used  on  this  eagle  feather.  To  the 
latter  is  also  fastened  a  small  netted  wheel,  the  rim  of  which  is  made 
of  a  couwi  (Atriplex  canescens,  Nutt)  stick,  the  network  being  of 
yucca  leaf  fibers  (Yucca  augustifolio  Pursh).  To  this  wheel  are  tied 
four  chat  feathers*.  The  last  object  inserted  in  this  baho  stand  is  a 
short  stick  called  iaka  baho  (man  baho),  pointed  at  both  ends  and 
made  of  the  stem  of  duma  (Cleome  integrifolia,  Nutt)  (C.  serrulata 
Pursh).  This  stick  is  colored  yellow  in  the  stand  on  the  north  side, 
green  on  the  west,  red  on  the  south  and  white  on  the  east  stand.  To 
this  stick  is  fastened  a  yahpa  feather.  Some  uncertainty  exists  about 
the  identity  of  this  bird.  Dr.  Edgar  A.  Mearns  in  his  "Ornithologi- 
cal vocabulary  of  the  Moki  Indians, "f  mentions  a  '■'^yahpa'"  and 
identifies  it  as  Clark's  nut-cracker  (Nutcifraya  Columbiana).  But  the 
feather  in  the  original  baho  stand  now  on  exhibition  in  this  Museum 
is  certainly  not  that  of  a  nut-cracker,  but  is  almost  beyond  doubt 
from  a  smaller  bird,  perhaps  from  the  wing  of  a  vermillion  fly-catcher. 
This  baho  is  always  made  by  a  kalehtakmongwi  (warrior  chief),  now 
Koyongainiwa,  and  is  said  to  represent  a  kalehtaka  (warrior)  standing 
at  the  end  of  the  baho  stand,  keeping  watch  over  and  protecting  the 
various  objects  on  the  baho  stand.  The  various  objects  are  prepared 
by  different  men.     (See  PI.  XLIII.) 

Nos.  5-8.  Four  food  balls,  made  of  dough  which  is  prepared 
from  various  kinds  of  native  food  {lapoci,  kwani,  sahu,  younga, 
muyaniki,  pikamtosi,  pinon  nuts,  formerly  also  meat  of  buffalo,  deer, 
antelope,  etc.),  and  enough  of  pikamtosi,  (pulverized //Jaw/,  a  mush 
of  sweet  corn-meal),  and  water  to  give  the  dough  the  proper  consist- 
ency. These  are  said  to  serve  as  food  for  the  clouds  when  deposited 
outside  of  the  village. 

Nos.  9-12.  Four  clay  balls,  made  of  the  same  clay  and  painted 
with  the  same  color  as  the  baho  stands.  Over  each  ball  is  laid  an 
eagle  feather,  nakwakwosi,  which  it  was  noticed  on  one  occasion  was 
made  by  Massavestiwa. 

Nos.  13-16.  Four  flint  spear  points.  These  were  brought  in  by 
Koyongainiwa,  who  represents  POokong,  the  God  of  war  and  pro- 
tection, in  the  Soyal  ceremony.;); 

*The  POokong  on  the  Oraibi  snake  altar  has  a  similar  wheel  on  his  back  and  the  Qaqdlmanas 
in  the  Oraibi  Qaqdl  ceremony  shoot  hand  arrows  at  such  wheels.  In  both  cases  the  wheel  is  said  to 
represent  a  shield.  In  this  case,  however.  QOmahoiniwa  asserts  that  it  simply  represents  a  wheel 
(«^^//fl)and  the  feather  with  the  wheel  also  serves  as  a  protection  against  the  destructive  sand 
storms.     It  is  called  hukuhtsi  (sand  storm  shutter). 

fAnthropologist,  Vol.  IX.,  No.  12. 

tThe  Oraibi  Soyal  Ceremony.Field  Columbian  Museum,  Anthropological  Series, Vol.  Ill,  No.  i. 


78         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

Nos.  17-20.  Four  black  reeds  about  two  and  one-half  inches 
long,  made  by  Koyonainiwa  ;  each  has  tied  to  one  end  an  arrow- 
shaped  point,  cut  out  of  corn  husk.  On  this  point  is  placed  a  small 
quantity  of  specular  iron,  and  a  few  small  choro  (blue  bird)  feathers 
are  put  into  the  same  end  of  the  tube.* 

Nos.  21-24.  Four  yellow  reed  tubes  of  the  same  length  as  the 
black  and  made  by  the  same  man.  They  are  colored  by  first  being 
moistened  with  honey  and  sputa,  then  rolled  in  talassi,  corn  pollen, 
and  finally  rubbed  with  an  old  piece  of  skin  said  to  contain  buffalo 
fat.  Into  one  end  of  these  tubes  are  put  some  small  tatvamana 
(oriole)  feathers. 

No.  25.  Aspergill,  made  of  a  hollow  stick,  the  ends  of  which 
are  closed  with  buckskin  and  to  which  some  eagle  feathers  are 
fastened. 

No.  26.  A  tray  containing  the  bahos  made  by  the  two  leading 
priests  in  the  morning.  The  number  of  these  bahos  differs  in  the 
different  years  ;  one  is  made  for  each  kiva  in  which  beans  are  planted 
the  next  day.  In  1896  there  were  eleven,  in  i8g8  ten,  in  1901  again 
eleven.     They  are  distributed  by  the  Powamu  chief  the  next  morning. 

No.  27.  A  tray  containing  meal  made  of  different  kinds  of  corn 
and  of  watermelon,  muskmelon,  squash,  cotton  and  other  seeds. 
This  meal  was  known  to  be  ground  on  one  occasion  by  the  wife  of 
the  chief  Soyal  priest,  who  is  also  present  at  the  initiation  of  new 
Powamu  members  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  Powamu  ceremony. 
Qomahoiniwa  says  that  she  always  prepares  this  meal,  but  why  just 
she,  could  not  be  ascertained.  The  old  priest  says  there  is  no  special 
reason.      She  also  belongs  to  the  Honani  clan. 

No.  28.  The  Powamu  natsi  or  standard,  consisting  of  four  sticks 
about  eighteen  inches  long,  to  which  are  tied  a  few  small  eagle 
feathers.  At  the  principal  Powamu  ceremony  three  of  these  sticks 
are  put  into  the  sand  ridge  of  the  altar  and  one  outside  at  the  south 
end  of  the  kiva  entrance. 

No.  29.  The  tiponi  or  palladium  of  the  chief  Powamu  priest. 
It  consists  of  a  corn  ear  which  is  fastened  to  a  flat  base  and  wound 
with  cotton  twine,  and  to  the  upper  end  of  which  are  tied  feathers  of 
different  birds  (eagle,  turkey,  parrot,  oriole,  road  runner,  blue  bird, 
hawk  and  others)  and  also  a  few  pieces  of  turquoise,  shell,  etc. 

No.  30.  The  7igaJikuychakapta  (medicine  bowl),  containing  the 
charm  liquid  which  is  sprinkled  on  the  mosaic  during  the  ceremony. 
The  drawings  on  the  bowl  represent  a  frog,  tadpoles  and  clouds. 

♦These  yellow  and  blue  feathers  are  afterwards  blown  through  the  hatchway  by  Koyongainiwa 
as  a  wish  or  prayer  for  warm  weather  when  the  summer  birds  come.     (See  PI.  XLIV,  b.) 


OP  THE 

vmiVERSITVofHJJWas. 


FIELD   COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.   XLIV. 


Scenes  in  Connection  with   the   Powalawu  Ceremony. 


Pl.  XLIV,    Scenes  in  Connection  with  the  Powalawu  Ceremony. 


a.     Priests  singing  around  the  Powalawu  altar. 

d.     One  of  the   priests    blowing    small  blue-bird   and  fly-catcher  feathers 
through  the  hatchway  of  the  kiva  during  the  Powalawu  ceremony. 


-i*.- 


eiydj^al 


.ynoaiiia'^  u 


J..K.  ,1,,    «i89nq   arij  io   anO     .^ 


I 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  79 

No.  31.     A  totoeqpi,  a  bone  whistle,  made  of  an  eagle  wing  bone. 

No.  32.  A  corn  husk  with  parts  ot  butterflies  and  pieces  of  dif- 
ferent roots. 

No.  33.  A  corn  husk,  containing  the  dessicated  remains  of  a 
small  mouse  {iarnotco)  and  a  small  quantity  of  corn-meal,  made  in  the 
kiva  from  a  corn  ear  that  is  nearly  white  and  which  was  first  slightly 
roasted  at  the  fireplace. 

At  about  noon  the  altar  is  finished  and  at  once  the  men  arrange 
themselves  around  it.  (See  PI.  XLIVa.)  Usually  the  Hopi  divest 
themselves  of  all  clothing  when  participating  in  a  kiva  ceremony  and 
loosen  their  hair.  In  this  case  they  all  keep  on  their  clothes,  but 
loosen  their  hair.  Another  unusual  feature  is  that  no  one  holds  any- 
thing in  the  hand  to  beat  time  with — a  rattle  or  eagle  feather — as  is 
usually  the  case.  Later  in  the  ceremony,  however,  the  chief  priest 
beats  time  with  the  aspergill,  when  not  using  it  for  asperging. 

When  all  are  seated,  Massaveima,  who  usually  acts  as  Pip- 
mongwi  (Tobacco  chief),  lights  a  pipe  at  the  fireplace,  hands  it  to  the 
Powamu  priest,  and  all  then  silently  smoke,  the  pipe  being  handed 
from  one  to  the  other.  As  soon  as  all  have  smoked,  the  Powamu 
priest  offers  a  short  prayer  and  then 

The  First  Five  Songs  are  sung,  in  which  singing  all  join  and  dur- 
ing which  no  performance  of  any  kind,  not  even  rattling  or  beating 
of  time,  takes  place. 

Sixth  Song.  The  Powamu  priest  takes  from  the  corn  husk  (No. 
32)  a  piece,  or  maybe  more,  of  root,  crushes  it  between  his  teeth  and 
drops  it  into  the  medicine  bowl.* 

Seventh  Song.  The  Powamu  priest  throws  the  meal  from  the  tray 
(No.  27)  on  the  sand  mosaic,  a  little  at  a  time,  at  intervals  of  from 
four  to  six  minutes,  repeating  this  twelve  times.  The  song  treats  of 
different  kinds  of  seeds  and  is  very  long.  The  same  words  are 
repeated  in  every  stanza  with  the  exception  of,  I  believe,  two  lines, 
which  are  different  in  every  stanza. 

Eighth  Song.  This  is  also  of  considerable  length.  The  Powamu 
priest  picks  up  the  aspergill  (No.  25)  and  stirs  with  it  the  contents  of 
the  medicine  bowl,  after  which  he  sprinkles  it,  a  little  at  a  time,  during 
the  song,  on  the  mosaic  which  is  now  covered  with  the  meal.  The 
pieces  of  root  and  butterflies  are  also  dipped  out  of  the  bowl  with  the 
aspergill  and  thrown  on  the  sand  mosaic.  This  song  treats  of  various 
birds  and  the  different  kinds  of  food  that  the  Hopi  use,  and  is  probably 
a  prayer  for  blessings  upon  these  articles  so  essential  to  the  Hopi. 

♦He  says  he  used  four  different  kinds:  totona,  polina,  fcosana  and  homina,  none  of. which 
have  been  identified. 


8o         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

Ninth  Song.  Koyongainiwa  takes  the  bone  whistle  (No.  31)  and 
the  yellow  reed  tube  (No.  5,  obscured  on  the  plate  by  a  baho  stand) 
from  the  north  side  of  the  altar,  ascends  the  ladder  about  half  way, 
so  that  his  head  is  just  emerging  from  the  hatchway,  and  blows  the 
yellow  feathers  and  corn  pollen  from  the  tube  through  the  hatchway 
towards  the  north,  which  he  follows  by  a  few  short,  sharp  notes  from 
the  whistle.  (See  PI.  XLIV,  b.')  He  then  returns  to  the  altar, 
replaces  the  reed  tube  and  repeats  the  same  performance  in  exactly 
the  same  manner  with  the  yellow  tubes  on  the  west,  south  and  east 
sides  of  the  altar  respectively,  always  blowing  and  whistling,  how- 
ever, in  the  corresponding  direction.  When  he  has  concluded  he 
hands  the  whistle  to  the  Powamu  priest,  who  has  been  moving  the 
aspergill  up  and  down  to  the  time  of  the  song. 

Tenth  Song.  Koyongainiwa  takes  the  black  reed  tube  from  the 
northwest  side  of  the  altar  (No.  17,  obscured  on  the  plate  by  the 
medicine  bowl),  ascends  the  ladder  as  before,  blows  from  it  the  blue- 
bird feather  and  powdered  specular  iron  through  the  hatchway 
towards  the  northwest.  Returning,  he  does  not  put  the  tube  in  its 
former  place,  but  deposits  it  at  the  outside  end  of  the  north  baho 
stand.  He  then  repeats  the  same  performance  with  the  other  black 
tubes  (Nos.  18,  19  and  20),  blowing  towards  the  southwest,  south- 
east and  northeast  respectively.  The  tube  from  the  southwest  corner 
he  deposits  with  the  east,  the  southeast  with  the  south  and  the  north- 
east with  the  east  baho  stand,  always  near  the  outside  end.  He  next 
takes  the  spear  point  from  the  northwest  side  of  the  altar  (No.  13, 
obscured  on  the  plate  by  the  medicine  bowl),  puts  a  small  pinch  of 
specular  iron  on  its  point,  ascends  the  ladder  in  the  same  manner  as 
before,  blows  the  powder  toward  the  northwest,  then  licks  some 
honey  from  the  spear  point  which  he  had  previously  put  on  when  he 
placed  the  points  around  the  mosaic  and  ejects*  it  in  the  same  direc- 
tion. Returning  to  the  altar,  he  replaces  the  spear  point  and  then 
repeats  the  same  performance  with  the  remaining  three  points  (Nos. 
14,  15  and  16)  towards  the  southwest,  southeast  and  northeast, 
always  replacing  them  to  their  respective  places.  When  he  is 
through  the  song  ceases.  One  of  the  younger  members  is  now  sent 
as  a  messenger  with  the  four  clay  balls  (Nos.  9-12)  and  the  nakwak- 
wosis  lying  over  them.  He  is  told  to  run  fast  and  to  deposit  the 
four  balls  at  four  different  places,  somewhere  west  and  south  of  the 
village.     As  near  as  I  could  learn,  he  deposits  them  near  or  on  trails 

*This  act,  which  occurs  very  frequently  in  Hopi  ceremonies,  is  not  an  ejection  of  spittle.  The 
tongue  is  pushed  between  the  lips,  then  quickly  withdrawn  and  the  material  on  the  tongue  (honey, 
pieces  of  roots,  herbs,  etc.)  is  then  forcibly  blown  out,  mixed,  of  course,  with  a  small  quantity  oi 
saliva. 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PU  XLV. 


Football  Race. — Growing  Beans  in  Kiva. 


Pl.  XLV. 

u.     Football  race. 

fi.     Growing  beans  in  the  kiva. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  81 

leading  to  the  village.  Such  offerings  are  usually  deposited  on  the 
four  sides,  north,  west,  south  and  east,  of  the  village,  but  I  have 
been  told  repeatedly  that  these  balls  and  feathers  were  offerings  to 
Hukangwu,  the  God  of  the  High  Winds  and  Sand  Storms,  which  the 
Hopi  so  much  dread,  because  they  destroy  so  much  of  their  crop 
either  by  covering  it  with  sand,  by  cutting  it  off  as  the  sharp  particles 
of  sand  are  swept  along  the  ground  with  great  velocity,  or  by  drying 
it  up.  These  sand  storms  almost  invariably  come  from  the  south- 
west and  the  west,  the  direction  in  which  these  offerings  were 
deposited.  I  was  also  informed  that  the  places  where  these  offerings 
are  deposited  mark  the  shortest  circuit  of  certain  races  which  take 
place  shortly  after  the  Powamu  ceremony  is  over.  In  these  contests 
the  racers*  start  on  the  west  side  of  the  mesa,  run  around  the  point 
of  the  mesas  as  close  as  possible  and  ascend  on  the  east  side.  At  the 
next  race,  a  few  days  later,  the  circuit  is  larger,  and  it  enlarges  with 
each  race,  so  that  at  last  the  whole  distance  described  is  from  eight 
to  ten  miles,  but  does  not,  I  was  told,  go  inside  of  the  places  where 
those  four  black  balls  are  deposited. "f     (See  PI.  XLV,  a.) 

Eleventh  Song.  As  soon  as  this  messenger  starts  the  eleventh 
song  is  commenced,  during  which  nothing  takes  place,  the  chief  priest 
only  beating  time  with  the  aspergill. 

Twelfth  Song.  At  its  conclusion  four  men  take  a  little  corn-meal 
from  the  baho  tray  and  each  then  puts  into  his  blanket  one  of  the 
baho  stands,  the  food  ball  and  the  two  reed  tubes,  and  takes  them 
outside  of  the  village;  the  one  having  the  objects  from  the  north  side 
of  the  altar  going  to  the  north  side  of  the  village,  the  one  with  those 
from  the  west  side  going  to  the  west  side,  etc.  These  four  messen- 
gers were  all  different  in  1896  and  1901,  except  Lomaashniwa.  He 
took  out  the  west  side  objects  both  in  1896  and  1898  and  the  east  side 
objects  in  1901.  I  followed  him  in  1896  to  the  west  and  in  1901  to 
the  east  side,  and  Moshohungwa  in  1898  to  the  east  side  of  the  mesa. 
Arriving  at  a  place  a  few  hundred  yards  from  the  village  and  about 
one-third  down  the  trail  to  the  valley  the  messenger  stopped,  held 

♦The  races  all  start  on  the  west  side  of  the  village;  the  first  from  a  place  called  Tflpchochmo; 
the  second  from  a  spring  called  Lftnangva;  the  third  from  the  same  place  but  pointing  in  a  different 
direction  and  for  a  larger  circuit  than  the  former:  the  fourth  from  a  place  called  Tutuck-molmik- 
Pflhpamik;  the  fifth  from  the  same  place  but  pointing  in  a  different  direction  and  for  a  wider 
circuit;  the  sixth  from  a  place  called  Yuhtukiungwu;  the  seventh  from  Wuptowiungwu. 

tThe  first  ball  is  taken  to  Wuptowiungwu,  a  place  west  of  the  village  from  which  the  last  of 
the  oncoming  races  starts,  the  others  starting  at  various  places  close  by.  The  messenger  first 
cleans  the  ground,  lays  down  the  ball,  puts  the  nakwakwosi  and  corn-meal  on  it  and  then  gives  it  a 
kick  in  the  same  manner  in  which  the  balls  are  kicked  later  in  the  foot  races.  He  then  proceeds  to 
three  different  places  southwest  and  south  of  the  village,  where  he  disposes  of  the  three  remaining 
balls  and  nakwakwosts  in  the  same  manner. 


82         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 

the  corn-meal  to  his  mouth,  whispered  a  silent  prayer  and  then 
sprinkled  the  meal  in  a  line  and  laid  the  yellow  tube  at  the  end  of  the 
stand  pointing  towards  the  village.  (See  PI.  XLVI.)  At  the  oppo- 
site end  of  the  stand  he  placed  first  the  food  ball,  and  then,  a  few 
inches  from  the  bowl,  the  black  tube.  A  fifth  messenger  has  at  the 
same  time  been  sent  with  the  corn  husk  containing  the  corn-meal  and 
the  dead  mouse  (No.  33),  with  instructions  to  deposit  it  on  some  large 
ant-hill  as  a  prayer  offering  to  the  ants  that  they  would  not  destroy 
the  crops  of  the  Hopi.  In  1901  the  messenger  went  to  an  ant-hill 
close  to  the  west  side  of  the  village,  made  a  ring  around  the  center 
of  the  hill  with  some  of  the  corn-meal  and  threw  the  rest  of  the 
meal,  the  remains  of  the  mouse,  the  naktvakwosi  and  the  husk  into 
the  ring. 

Returning  to  the  kiva  in  about  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  the  men 
were  still  singing,  but  I  am  unable  to  say  how  many  songs  they  had 
sung  while  we  were  gone.  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  however,  that  it 
was  the  same  song  that  they  commenced  when  we  left  the  kiva.  When 
this  song  concludes  all  say,  '■'■  kivakwai''  (thanks  !),  whereupon  a  pipe 
is  filled  with  native  tobacco  and  lit  by  Massaveima  at  the  fireplace. 
While  he  lights  the  pipe  and  smokes  a  few  puffs,  some  one  loosens 
the  nakwakwosi  from  the  crystal  that  is  lying  on  the  center  of  the 
sand  mosaic,  and  all  put  the  crystal  between  their  lips  and  suck  on  it, 
saying  that  it  makes  their  hearts  strong.  The  pipe  is  then  handed  to 
the  Powamu  chief  priest,  who  smokes,  hands  it  to  the  Katcina  chief, 
and  then  it  makes  the  round,  each  one  smoking  a  few  minutes  and  all 
exchanging  terms  of  clan  relationship,  such  as:  Inaa,  Itii  (my  father, 
my  child);  Iwawa,  Itopko  (my  elder  brother,  my  younger  brother),  etc. 
When  all  have  smoked,  the  pipe-lighter  takes  the  pipe,  cleans  it  and 
places  it  on  the  floor  near  the  fireplace.  The  Powamu  priest  picks 
up  the  tray  with  bahos,  sprinkles  some  of  the  meal  from  the  same  tray 
over  them,  holds  the  tray  in  front  of  him  and  prays  over  it.  He  then 
hands  it  to  Messavestiwa  (in  igoi,  Moshohungwa),  who  also  prays 
over  it  and  hands  it  to  the  Powamu  priest,  who  places  it  on  the  ban- 
quette at  the  north  end  of  the  kiva.  Some  one,  usually  Lomaashniwa, 
now  sweeps  up  the  sand  mosaic  with  the  seed  meal  and  nakwakwosi 
that  has  been  loosened  from  the  quartz  crystal,  puts  it  all  into  his 
blanket,  carries  it  out  and  throws  it  on  a  pile  about  eight  or  ten  yards 
south  of  the  kiva.  Food  is  meanwhile  being  brought  to  the  kiva  and 
all  partake  of  a  supper,  after  which  they  usually  smoke  and  chat 
awhile  and  retire  to  their  respective  homes. 


booi  e  ,8h..i ) 


'<[<::    Ot    U<*    ViHasft:.    SXi.'iU- 


Pl.  XLVI.    Powalawu  Priest  Depositing  Prayer  Offerings. 


One  of  the  participants  in  the  Powalawu  ceremony  depositing  one  of  the  baho 
stands,  a  food  ball  and  the  reed  tubes  outside  of  the  village. 


,i',  n  .'V'.:  sn 


riELO  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.  XLVI. 


PowALAWu  Priest  Depositing  Prayer  Offerings. 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  83 

5.     INTERVAL  BETWEEN  POWALAWU  AND  POWAMU. 


On  the  morning  following  the  Powamu  ceremony,  the  chief  Pow- 
amu priest  takes  the  bahos  which  were  lying  in  a  tray  during  the 
Powalawu  ceremony,  and  over  which  he  and  the  Katcina  priest  prayed 
at  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony,  and  distributes  them  in  the  differ- 
ent kivas.  In  each  kiva  he  smokes  a  few  minutes,  leaves  one  baho, 
and  then  tells  the  people  they  may  now  plant  beans  in  the  kivas, 
which  planting  seems  to  symbolize  the  planting  of  the  corn,  beans, 
etc.,  etc.,  of  the  coming  season.  He  expresses  a  prayer  that  these 
ceremonies  may  secure  for  them  blessings,  that  no  evil  may  befall 
their  crops,  that  they  may  come  up,  have  plenty  of  rain,  grow  well, 
that  the  corn  may  have  plenty  of  ears,  that  the  Hopi  may  be  able  to 
harvest  the  corn,  put  it  into  their  houses  and  use  it,  etc.  Qomahoiniwa 
says  that  on  this  occasion  he  represents  the  tokotska*  (Molothrus  ater 
obscurus — Gmel.),  whose  feathers,  as  already  stated,  are  on  the  bahos. 
He  now  leaves  the  kivas,  and  so  gives  the  signal  for  the  planting  in 
the  kivas. 

During  this  day,  large  bowls,  tin  pans,  boxes  and  other  vessels 
are  brought  into  the  various  kivas  and  filled  with  earth  brought  for 
this  purpose  from  a  place  east  of  the  mesa.  In  the  evening  beans  of 
all  kinds  are  planted  in  these  vessels,  which  are  then  placed  on  the 
floor  and  banquettes  at  the  north  end  of  the  kiva.  (See  PI.  XLV^.) 
This  planting  of  beans  is  continued  on  the  three  following  evenings. 
After  this  a  fire  is  kept  up  day  and  night  in  the  kivas  until  the  last 
day  of  the  Powamu  ceremony,  when  the  beans  are  disposed  of,  as  will 
be  described  later.  No  special  ceremonies  are  connected  with  this  bean 
planting.  The  chief  Powamu  priest  and  two  other  men,  one  of  whom 
acts  at  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony  as  Aototo,  the  other  as  Aholi 
Katcina,  plant,  in  addition  to  the  beans,  a  little  corn  in  their  respec- 
tive kivas,  the  disposition  of  which  will  be  described  later. 

The  Katcina  dances  which  have  taken  place  in  such  great  variety 
since  the  conclusion  of  the  Soyal  ceremony  are  suspended  during  the 
Powamu  ceremony. 

A  peculiar  custom  observed  during  these  days  is  the  cutting  of  the 
hair  of  such  children  as  have  not  yet  been  initiated  into  religious  organi- 
zations. The  hair  of  the  boys  is  cut  very  short;  over  each  ear,  how- 
ever, and  over  the  forehead  a  lock  is  left;  in  the.  case  of  very  small 
boys,  only  over  the  forehead.  The  girls  only  retain  a  small  strip  of 
hair  around  the  forehead. 

,        *  When  later  this  bird  actually  appears  the  Hopi  say:    "  The  tokotska  has  come,  it  is  time  to 
plant,"  and  at  once  they  begin  to  plant  the  earlier  varieties  of  corn. 


84         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 
6.    THE  POWAMU   PERFORMANCES  IN  THE   KIVAS. 


First  Day. 

At  about  sunrise  the  chief  Powamu  and  the  chief  Katcina  priest 
enter  the  Honani  kiva,  the  first  bringing  with  him  the  Powamu  naist, 
six  ceremonial  corn  ears,  a  box  with  feathers,  some  corn-meal,  etc. 
The  natsi  consists  of  four  sticks  about  twenty  inches  long  and  about 
one-half  inch  thick,  to  each  of  which  four  small  eagle  nakwakwosis  are 
fastened  at  different  places,  and  three  to  four  small  eagle  feathers  to 
the  upper  end  of  the  stick.  One  of  the  sticks  is  put  into  the  grass  mat 
that  is  lying  on  the  kiva  hatchway  at  the  south  end  of  this  opening 
and  a  little  corn-meal  sprinkled  around  it.  The  other  sticks  and  the 
other  paraphernalia  that  the  priest  brings  with  him  he  places  on  the 
floor  in  the  north  end  of  the  kiva.  Usually  the  kiva  is  then  swept 
and  the  two  priests  sit  down  near  the  fireplace,  eat  their  breakfast 
and  smoke  awhile.  The  rest  of  the  day  is  usually  spent  by  them  in 
getting  wood  for  use  in  the  kiva  or  in  some  work  of  a  private  nature. 
Even  Siima,  though  old  and  feeble  and  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
it  was  cold,  had  to  get  a  large  part  of  the  firewood  himself.  I  have 
observed  the  same  thing  on  other  occasions  where  it  seemed  that 
reverence  for  the  priest,  if  not  respect  for  old  age,  would  induce  the 
younger  members  of  the  society  to  get  the  necessary  firewood.  When 
I  asked  the  priests  why  they  did  not  let  or  make  the  younger  men  get 
the  wood,  they  usually  replied  :  ^^Ka  nawakna''  (They  won't  do  it). 
Especially  is  this  the  case  when  only  a  few  men  participate  in  the 
ceremony. 

Second  Day,     (The  People's  First  Day.*) 

Early  in  the  morning  the  Powamu  priest,  after  having  put  up  the 
natsi  2X  the  Honani  kiva  and  smoked  awhile,  goes  into  every  kiva  where 
beans  are  being  planted,  sits  down  at  the  fireplace,  smokes  a  little 
while,  offers  a  prayer  or  blessing  with  corn-meal  over  the  beans  and 
then,  before  leaving  the  kiva,  announces  that  in  seven  days  the  women 
and  girls  will  prepare  food,  that  during  the  following  night  their  (the 
Hopi's)  friends,  the  Powamu  Katcinas,  will  ''iiamu  tihtaptotani'''' 
(watch  or  observe  us) — which  refers  here  to  the  dance  of  the  Powamu 
Katcinas  during  the  night  of  the  eighth  ceremonial  day — and  that  on 

*A  peculiar  custom  prevails  in  Oraibi  in  connection  with  the  numbering  of  the  days  o(  the 
Powamu  ceremony,  inasmuch  as  that  the  summu  (people)  of  the  village  have  their  own  way  of 
reckoning  in  which  they  are  one  day  behind  that  of  the  numeration  of  the  Powamu  fraternity,  and 
as  both  call  their  second  Azy  first  day,  their  third  day  second  day,  the  matter  is  very  confusing. 
The  following  table  will  make  the  matter  clear: 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony^Voth. 


-v.,85 


the  eighth  day  they  (the  Hopi)  will  enjoy  the  food  (feast).  .Return- 
ing to  the  Badger  kiva  he  sits  down  at  the  fireplace  and  smokes, 
in  which  he  is  often  joined  by  the  Katcina  priest.  After  having  eaten 
their  breakfast  the  two  priests  are  seldom  in  the  kiva  during  the 
remainder  of  the  day.  Generally  they  again  go  after  wood.  The 
night  they  spend  in  the  kiva.  It  may  here  be  remarked  that  they  are 
expected  to  remain  continent  during  and  for  four  days  after  the  cere- 
mony. The  objects,  brought  in  the  first  day,  generally  remain  on 
the  floor,  the  same  as  on  the  previous  day. 

Third  Day.     (Second  Day  of  the  People.) 

The  natsi  is  put  up  in  the  morning  the  same  as  on  the  two  pre- 
vious days.  The  objects  brought  in  the  first  day  still  remain  in  the 
same  position  as  they  were  then  put  down.  Other  paraphernalia  is 
usually  brought  in  on  this  day.  On  one  occasion  I  noticed  on  the 
floor  the  ma§k  of  the  Hahai-i  Katcina  and  the  Powamu  priest  was 
repairing  the  crow  wings,  to  be  attached  to  the  sides  of  the  mask. 
The  Katcina,  wearing  this  mask,  appears  on  the  morning  of  the  last 
ceremonial  day,  as  will  be  noted  more  fully  at  the  proper  place.  The 
chief  Powamu  and  Katcina  priests  are  still  the  only  men  present  on 
this  day  and  even  they  are  out  during  the  greater  part  of  the  day, 
generally  getting  wood  or  doing  work  in  their  houses.  The  eating 
and  sleeping  is,  of  course,  done  in  the  kiva. 

Fourth  Day.     (Third  Day  of  the  People.) 

Nothing  of  importance  transpires  on  this  day.  The  putting  up 
of  the  natsi,  the  appearance  of  the  kiva,  the  men  present  and  the  work 
done,  is  essentially  the  same  as  on  the  previous  three  days.  Con- 
siderable smoking  is  being  done  by  the  two  priests  whenever  they  are 
in  the  kiva.  During  these  four  days  the  two  priests  have  eaten  any 
kind  of  food,  but  during  the  following  five  days  they  only  eat  one  meal 
late  in  the  evening  and  then  only  unseasoned  food  and  no  meats. 


Actual  Number 

of  Days. 
First  Day  .     . 
Second  Day 
Third  Day 
Fourth  Day    . 
Fifth  Day  .     . 
Sixth  Day 
Seventh  Day  . 
Eighth  Day    . 
Ninth  Day      . 
Tenth  Day     . 


As  Numbered  by  the  Powamu 

Fraternity. 
Skushkdhimuu,  once  not  anything, 
Shushtala  (first  day) 
Loshtala  (second  day)   . 
Bayisktala  (third  day)  . 
Naioshtala  (fourth  day) 
Shushtala  (first  day) 
Piktotoka  (piki  making) 
Totoka  (food  providing) 
Tikive  (dancing  day)     . 


As  Numbered  by  the  People. 


Shushkdhimuu,  once  not  anything. 
Shushtala  (first  day). 
Loshtala  (second  day). 
Bayishtala  (third  day). 
Naioshtala  (fourth  day) . 
Shushtala  (first  day). 
Piktotoka  (piki  making). 
Totoka  (food  providing), 
Tikive  (dancing  day). 
To  avoid  confusion  the  actual  numbering  of  the  days  is  used  throughout  the  paper. 


86         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

Fifth  Day.   (Fourth  Day  of  the  People.)  Without  the  initiation  ceremony. 

On  this  day  the  ceremonies  begin  in  earnest.  Other  men  besides 
the  two  chief  priests  come  in,  usually  those  that  participated  in  the 
Powalawu  ceremony  and  a  few  others.  Early  in  the  morning  the 
Powamu  priest  has  brought  in  the  altar  and  its  accessories  and  laid 
them  on  the  floor  in  the  north  end  of  the  kiva.  The  natsi  is  put  up 
as  usual.  The  two  leaders  now  begin  to  fast,  eating  only  one  meal 
after  sundown.  All  the  others  eat  as  usual,  but  no  meat  and  no 
salted  food. 

One  of  the  first  things  the  Powamu  priest  does  is  to  make  four 
bahos  to  be  placed  on  the  sand  ridge  of  the  altar,*  the  Katcina  priest 
at  the  same  time  making  a  number  of  nakwakwosis,  one  with  a  long 
yellow  string  (road)  attached  to  it.  When  these  are  finished  the 
two  priests  smoke  over  and  then  spit  a  little  honey  on  them.  Mean- 
while the  Powamu  priest  has  sent  one  of  the  men,  a  member  of  the 
Sand  clan,  with  a  few  nakwakwosis  and  some  corn-meal  after  some 
sand  for  the  altar  ridge.  Following  this  messenger,  I  found  that  he 
partly  descended  the  trail  leading  into  the  valley  southeast  from  the 
village.  Coming  to  a  large  sand  hill,  he  first  laid  down  the  nakwak- 
wosis, then  held  the  corn-meal  to  his  lips,  whispered  a  short  prayer 
over  it,  sprinkled  it  on  the  feathers  and  then  filled  his  blanket  with 
sand  and  took  it  to  the  kiva,  where  he  deposited  it  in  the  northeast 
corner  on  the  floor.  The  two  chief  priests  soon  commence  getting 
the  altar  paraphernalia  in  order,  preparatory  to  the  erection  of  the 
altar  (pongya).  Feathers  are  attached  to  certain  parts  of  the  altar, 
arms  and  legs  are  fastened  to  the  fetishes,  which  bear  very  strongly 
the  marks  of  long  usage,  and  they  are  then  dressed.  The  costume  is 
very  simple.  A  string  of  fringef  made  of  horses'  manes  is  tied 
around  their  body.  Besides  this  kilt  several  strands  of  beads,  from 
which  is  suspended  an  abelone  shell,  are  hung  around  the  neck  of 
POokong  and  Chowilawu.  Strings  of  turquoise  and  red  beads  are 
fastened  to  the  ears  and  small  eagle  feathers  are  fastened  to  the 
objects  they  wear  on  their  heads.  When  the  decorations  of  the 
fetishes  have  been  completed,  the  sand  ridge  is  made  and  the  altar 
erected,  first  the  reredos  with  the  head-piece,  then  the  fetishes,  slabs, 
etc.  Several  of  the  men  present  usually  assist  in  putting  up  the 
altar.      Finally,  the  four  bahos,  which  the  Powamu  priest  has  made 

♦These  are  the  same  as  those  made  in  the  Powalawu  ceremony,  only  a  qbqopt  feather  (chat, 
Ikteria  virrus)  is  used  instead  of  a  tokotska  feather.       • 

tThese  horsehair  kilts  are  called  ia-wahona  (sun-rays)  and  are  always  colored  red.  They 
are  also  used  by  various  Katcinas  and  other  personages. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  87 

in  the  morning,  are  put  into  the  sand  ridge,  and  corn-meal  is  sprinkled 
on  it. 

After  the  altar  proper  is  finished,  a  short'  recess  is  generally 
taken,  during  which  the  two  leaders  smoke,  being  sometimes  joined 
by  others.  Then  the  Powamu  priest  sprinkles  some  dry,  fine  sand  in 
front  of  the  altar,  on  which  he  arranges  the  medicine  bowl,  corn  ear, 
etc.,  as  seen  on  PI.  XXXVIII  (Frontispiece).  The  Katcina  priest, 
taking  the  nakwakwosis  that  he  made  in  the  morning  and  a  large  gourd 
vessel,  goes  to  the  spring  after  water.  Upon  his  return,  the  Powamu 
priest  takes  the  gourd,  fills  from  it  the  medicine  bowl  and  places  the 
gourd  in  a  corner  in  the  north  end  of  the  kiva.  In  case  new  mem- 
bers are  to  be  initiated  into  the  Powamu  fraternity,  such  initiation 
takes  place  on  this  day.  But  in  order  to  avoid  confusion  in  the 
description,  the  usual  ceremony,  as  it  takes  place  on  this  day  in  those 
years  when  no  initiations  are  made,  will  be  described  first,  and  then 
the  day's  program  will  be  given  as  it  is  carried  out  in  case  this  is  an 
initiation  day.  After  the  altar  is  finished  there  are  usually  a  few 
hours  of  rest,  during  which  on  initiation  days  the  sand  mosaic  and 
other  preparations  are  made  for  the  initiation. 

When  no  initiations  take  place  the  men  present  smoke  or  sleep 
during  this  recess  or  are  engaged  in  making  dolls  {tihus^,  bows  and 
rattles,  to  be  given  to  the  children  on  the  ninth  day.  At  about  half 
past  three  or  four  o'clock  the  men,  usually  only  about  five  or  six  in 
number,*  arrange  themselves  in  a  semicircle  before  the  altar,  the 
Powamu  chief  on  the  extreme  west  side  and  next  to  him  the  Katcina 
chief.  The  pipe-lighter  at  once  hands  the  large  cloud-blower 
{pmawtopi)  to  the  Powamu  priest,  who  blows  large  clouds  of  smoke 
from  it  over  the  altar  and  into  the  medicine  bowl,  and  then  asperges, 
handing  back  the  oma^uiopi  to  the  pipe-lighter.  All  then  take  a  little 
corn-meal  in  their  right  hand,  the  Powamu  priest  the  aspergill,  the 
Katcina  priest  a  rattle,  the  next  men  also  a  rattle,  and  each  one  of 
the  others  an  eagle  wing  feather.  These  objects  are  waved  up  and 
down  in  unison  with  the  time  of  singing. 

First  Four  Songs.  Nothing  special  is  done  except  asperging  by 
the  Powamu  priest. 

Fifth  Song.  The  Powamu  priest  at  once  takes  from  a  corn  husk 
a  pinch  of  tallassi  (corn  pollen),  drops  it  from  the  north  side  into  the 

♦The  priests  frequently  complain  about  the  fact  that  so  few  of  the  many  members  take  active 
part  in  the  ceremonies.  They  say  that  formerly  this  was  not  the  case.  The  people  in  Oraibi  are 
divided  into  a  conservative  and  a  liberal  faction,  and  very  few  of  the  first  take  part  in  the  Powamu 
ceremony  because  it  is  controlled  by  the  other  faction.  For  an  explanation  of  this  schism  see 
"The  Oraibi  Soyal  Ceremony,"  p.  9. 


88         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  Ill, 

medicine  bowl  and  then  blows  with  an  eagle  wing  bone  whistle  into 
the  medicine  bowl,  which  he  follows  with  asperging.  This  he  repeats 
at  short  intervals,  carrying  the  corn  pollen  from  the  west,  south,  east, 
northeast,  and  southwest  sides  towards  the  medicine  bowl.  When  he 
has  finished  the  circuit  he  places  the  whistle  into  the  corn  husk  con- 
taining the  pollen,  and  then  joins  in  the  singing,  beating  time  with 
the  aspergill.  Eight  songs  now  follow,  some  in  slow,  others  in  quick 
time,  the  loudness  of  the  rattling  varying  considerably.  At  the  con- 
clusion the  Powamu  chief  says,  ^^  Kwakwai''  (Thanks!),  and  all  lay 
down  the  rattles  and  feathers  with  which  they  have  accompanied  the 
singing,  sprinkling  the  meal  which  they  hold  in  the  hands  with  these 
objects  on  the  latter. 

The  pipe-lighter  has  in  the  meanwhile  lit  the  pipe  and  smoked 
from  it  a  few  puffs  at  the  fireplace  and  now  hands  it  to  the  Powamu 
priest,  exchanging  terms  of  relationship  with  him.  The  priest  smokes 
a  few  minutes,  blowing  the  smoke  towards  the  altar,  and  especially 
towards  the  tiponi  and  medicine  bowl,  hands  the  pipe  to  the  Katcina 
priest  who  also  smokes  a  few  puffs  and  then  all  the  others  smoke, 
always  exchanging  terms  of  relationship.  In  exchanging  these  terms 
the  one  who  has  received  the  pipe  always  smokes  a  little  while  and 
then  speaks,  first  addressing  the  one  who  has  handed  him  the  pipe. 
The  latter  then  immediately  replies.  These  terms  do  not  refer  to 
blood,  but  to  clan  relationship,  and  a  careful  study  of  them  in  all  the 
ceremonies  would  undoubtedly  throw  considerable  light  on  the  rela- 
tion the  various  clans  bear  to  each  other.  When  all  have  smoked, 
the  pipe  is  handed  back  again  from  one  to  the  other,  each  one  again 
smoking  a  few  puffs.  The  Powamu  chief  who  smokes  last  calls  to  the 
pipe-lighter,  ^^Pao  kwisto''  (Come  get  it).  The  latter  gets  the  pipe, 
cleans  it  and  places  it  on  the  floor  near  the  fireplace.  The  Powamu 
and  Katcina  priests  each  now  utter  a  short  prayer,  to  which  all  respond 
by  "y4«<r>^ad!  "  ("  So  beit,"  or  "All  right"),  whereupon  all  hold  a  little 
meal  to  their  lips  and  sprinkle  it  from  the  six  directions  towards  and 
on  the  altar,  dropping  the  last  pinch  on  the  rattles  and  feathers  which 
they  had  used  for  beating  time.  That  ends  the  day's  observances,  as 
they  occur  in  the  absence  of  an  initiation  ceremony. 

Fifth    Day,    with    the    Initiation    Ceremony. 
(Fourth  Day  of  the  People.) 

In  the  forenoon  the  altar  is  put  up  as  usual,  and  as  has. already 
been  described,  but,  in  addition  to  this,  a  slab  is  placed  on  each 
side  of  the  altar  with  a  picture  of  the  Ho-Katcina,  and  a  peculiarly 
constructed  lightning  frame  is  put  up  in  the  northwest  corner  of  the 


UBBARY 

OP  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.  XLVII. 


PowAMu  Sand  Mosaic. 


Pl.  XLVII.    Powamu  Sand  Mosaic. 


The  square,  made  of  four  wide  stripes,  is  called  a  hihu  (house).  Each  stripe 
is  called  a  ivona  (plank).  Both  ends  of  each  plank  are  capped  with  a  cloud  sym- 
bol. On  each  cloud  symbol  are  standing  three  turkey  feather  nakwakwosis. 
The  large  round  figure  in  the  center,  as  well  as  the  four  smaller  ones  in  the  four 
corners  of  the  field,  are  said  to  represent  squash  blossoms,  the  colored  dots  over 
the  whole  field  blossoms  of  herbs,  grasses,  etc. 

This  sand  mosaic  is  made  for  Powamu  initiations  only,  which  do  not  take 
place  every  year. 


.n.Ar'o.y  omaS  um*wc9 


-mxe  boob  k  dJiw  bsqqfio  3i£  jJnslq  do£3  ^o  ebfia  diofl  .(iinaJq)  ttnc^vts  b  LalfBo  ai 
auow^fwilfid  tarijisa?  /sjiiuJ  said;  s^nibnB)!;  sib  iodrnyz  buoio  dasa  nO  .lod 
•fuol  ad)  ni  asno  idilsme  luoi  sdJ  er.  Ibw  sb  (TSJos'i  ad:  n\  ^iVTii\  hauot  s^ibI  3dT 
19VO  stob  bsioloa  ■idJ  .smoeeold  dsBups  Jnijgaiqai  oj  bifi?.  sib  ,bl3fl  adi  lio  aianion 

.3^3  ,e3e2Bi?j  ,Edi9d  )o  f-rnuzeold  blaft  alodw  adj 
9j1/;)  Ion   ob  doidw  .yino  snoiJciJini  umBwoS  ;ioi  sbBfn  al  '<iB8o«j  bnae  aidT 

1K9V  719V9  33£[q 


UBPAr 

OP  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MU:.EUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.  XLVIII. 


Disks  of  the  Pota. 


Pl.  LXVIII.    Katcinas  Q6q6ntinumya. 


a.  Rattle  Snake  Katcina. 

b.  Cotukvnangwu  (Thunder  Deity)  Katcina.    The  latter  is  seen  in  the  act  of 
shooting  a  lightning  frame. 


■  y  ■»-«oPt>iO'aY.  ft.  XI. VI. 


UBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  rflLUNOlS. 


Pl.  XLIX.    Small  Powamu  Altar. 


The  three  sticks  in  the  sand  ridge,  as  well  as  the  objects  in  front  of  it,  are 
taken  temporarily  from  the  large  altar  (see  frontispiece)  and  are  there  described. 


iit)Ai.l 


"  ",2(*"^;5*^  ■--";■     ■■-■  '--■■  ■ 


LIBRARV 

OF  THE 

WNIVtRSITV' of  ILLINOIS 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  L. 


TlHU    OF  THE    CHOWIUWU    KaTCINA. 


Pl.  L.     Tihu  of  the  Chowilawu  Katcina. 


The  costume  and  decoration  of  the  Chowilawu  are  fully  described  in  the  text  of 
the  paper.  As  this  Katcina  never  appears  in  public  it  was  very  difficult  to  get  a 
tihu  of  the  Katcina  made,  and  the  maker  has  been  severely  censured  for  it  by 
the  priests. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  89 

kiva  (see  PI.  XXXVIII).  But  the  most  important  variation  is  a  sand 
mosaic,  as  shown  on  PI.  XLVII.  This  mosaic  is  made  during  the 
day  by  various  members  of  the  society,  under  the  general  direction  of 
the  Powamu  chief.  Other  paraphernalia  to  be  used  in  the  evening 
ceremony  are  also  prepared,  chief  among  which  is  the  mask  to  be 
worn  by  the  Chowilawu  Katcina  and  a  peculiar  object  called  the  pota* 
This  consists  of  round  discs,  each  of  which  is  made  of  two  sticks  bent 
into  a  semicircle  and  over  which  is  stretched  a  piece  of  owa,  a  native 
material  resembling  canvas.  These  discs  are  sewn  together  in  the 
middle  in  such  a  manner  that  they  can  be  opened  and  closed  like  a 
book,  the  segments  or  semicircles  forming  the  leaves.  Upon  opening 
the  pota  at  different  places,  different  drawings  are  represented  which 
cover  the  two  pages  presented  (see  PI.  XLVIII).  A  strip  of  rabbit 
skin  is  tied  to  each  disc. 

Many  nakwakwosis  are  also  made  during  the  day  by  different  men 
to  be  tied  to  the  hair  of  the  candidates  during  the  ceremony.  At  about 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  the  chief  Powamu  priest  erects  a  small 
altar  in  the  southwest  corner  of  the  deeper  part  of  the  kiva,"f  just  west 
of  the  ladder.  I  This  altar  is  figured  and  explained  on  PI.  XLIX. 
While  this  altar  is  being  built  and  the  mosaic  finished,  the  man  who 
is  to  act  as  Chowilawu  Katcina  begins  to  get  ready.  Retiring  to  the 
southeast  corner  of  the  kiva,  he  daubs  his  body  with  white  kaolin  with 
the  exception  of  the  forearms,  the  lower  part  of  the  legs,  the  upper 
lips,  the  forehead,  a  spot  on  the  back  and  a  spot  just  below  the 
sternum,  all  of  which  is  painted  black.  He  then  puts  on  a  new  white 
breech  cloth,  a  kilt  made  of  red  horsehair,  and  an  old  green  leather 
belt.  From  the  latter  is  suspended  on  the  back  of  the  man  a  grayish 
fox  skin  {Idtay  pokaat),  the  tail  of  which  reaches  to  the  ground. 
Having  finished,  he  takes  his  mask  under  his  blanket  and  leaves  the 
kiva.     (For  a  tihu  of  the  Chowilawu  see  PI.  L.) 

While  these    preparations    are    going    on    several  women,  §  also 

* 

*This  name  is  also  given  to  the  basket  plaques  or  trays  made  in  the  villages  of  the  second 
mesa,  those  made  in  Oraibi  being  called  yungiiapu. 

tin  1897  and  1901  QOmahoiniwa,  who  had  succeeded  his  brother  Siima,  erected  this  altar  on 
the  elevated  portion  of  the  kiva. 

X  In  nearly  all  the  Hopi  kivas  the  part  south  of  the  ladder,  which  comprises  about  one-third  of 
the  entire  floor  space,  is  raised  about  one  foot  above  the  other  part  of  the  floor.  In  the  latter  or 
deeper  portion  a  banquette  from  twelve  to  fourteen  inches  high  and  equally  witl''  runs  along  the 
two  sides  and  the  north  end.    Near  the  south  side  is  the  fireplace. 

§  In  almost  all  Hopi  men's  ceremonies  certain  women,  and  in  all  women's  ceremonies  a  few 
men,  participate.  In  one  Powamu  ceremony  one  was  the  wife  of  the  chief  Soyal  priest,  the  other  the 
wife  of  Lomaashniwa  and  the  mother  of  the  Katcina  priest  Massavestiwa.  The  relationship  of  the 
others  was  not  ascertained.  PungQamOnsi  (Honani  clan),  sister  of  the  village  chief  and  of  the  chief 
Soyal  priest,  was  also  present  in  several  years  on  this  occasion. 


go         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.    III. 

members  of  the  Powamu  fraternity,  enter  the  kiva,  each  one  carrying 
a  small  tray  with  corn-meal ;  the  kekelhoyamu  (candidates)  now  begin 
to  arrive.  They  are  mostly  children  between  the  ages  of  five  and  ten 
years,  a  few,  perhaps,  younger,  several  somewhat  older.  On  one 
occasion,  however,  I  noticed  an  elderly  man,  Nasingainiwa,  among 
the  number,  who  was  initiated  in  exactly  the  same  manner  as  the 
others.*  Each  candidate,  accompanied  by  some  man  who  may  be  of 
any  clan  but  not  a  relative,  is  first  taken  to  the  small  altar,  towards 
which  he  throws  a  pinch  of  corn-meal  ;  after  throwing  also  some  meal 
towards  the  large  altar,  he  is  seated  in  the  east  part  of  the  kiva.  The 
boys  sit  on  the  banquette,  the  girls  in  front  of  them  on  the  kiva  floor. 
Those  who  have  brought  them  in  seat  themselves  on  the  floor  of  the 
raised  or  spectators'  portion  of  the  kiva,  the  women  on  the  west  ban- 
quette. The  latter  and  all  the  candidates  are  then  given  a  white  corn 
ear  by  the  older  members,  which  they  call  inguu  (my  mother).  Some 
of  them  carry  it  themselves  when  they  enter.  In  1895  there  were 
thirty-eight  or  forty  candidates,  in  1897  about  thirty  and  in  1901 
twenty-seven  or  twenty-eight. 

At  about  six  o'clock  in  the  evening  several  of  the  older  priests 
arrange  themselves  around  a  small  altar.  A  pipe  is  first  lit  at  the 
fireplace  by  the  pipe-lighter  and  handed  to  the  Powamu  priest.  All 
around  the  altar  smoke.  When  they  have  finished,  the  pipe  is  handed 
back  to  the  pipe-lighter  and  after  the  Powamu  priest  has  uttered  a 
short  prayer,  which  is  responded  to  by  the  others,  the  singing  com- 
mences. 

First  Song.  Neither  this  nor  the  succeeding  four  songs  are  ever 
accompanied  by  rattling.  The  Powamu  priest  takes  up  the  shell  frag- 
ment from  the  north  side  of  the  medicine  bowl  and  drops  it  into  the 
bowl.  A  few  minutes  later  he  does  the  same  with  the  one  from  the 
west  side  and  so  on  until  all  six  pieces  have  been  transferred  to  the 
bowl. 

Second  Song.  The  Powamu  priest  keeps  stirring  the  liquid  in  the 
medicine  bowl  with  the  aspergill  during  the  entire  song  and  finally 
asperges  towards  the  altar  and  about  himself. 

Third  Song.  The  above  named  priest  beats  time  with  the  asper- 
*gill  and  asperges. 

Fourth  Song.      Same  as  previous. 

*The  only  difference  was  that  he  was  invited  to  remain  after  the  ceremony  was  over  and  join 
the  leaders  in  partaking  of  the  supper  which  they  ate  in  the  kiva  at  a  late  hour.  When  asked  for 
an  explanation  of  this  exception,  the  Powamu  priest  told  me  that  the  conservative-faction  lacked 
the  necessary  number  of  men  who  had  the  authority  to  act  as  leaders  at  Katcina  dances  and  to 
sprinkle  the  Katcinas  with  corn-meal  at  the  dances.  In  order  to  get  this  authority  Nasingainiwa 
underwent  the  initiation. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  gi 

Fifth  Song.  At  a  signal  from  the  Powamu  priest  all  present  tie 
a  s«iall  eagle  feather  nakwakwosi  to  the  hair  on  top  of  their  heads  and 
to  the  heads  of  the  novitiates.*  When  the  song  ceases  the  Powamu 
priest  also  fastens  a  nakwakwosi  to  his  hair. 

Sixth  Song.  The  songs  are  from  now  on  accompanied  by  two 
rattles  and  at  the  conclusion  of  each  the  Powamu  chief  asperges. 

Seventh  Song,  (very  long).  At  its  conclusion  the  men  around  the 
altar  again  smoke  and  then  also  the  men  sitting  on  the  elevated  por- 
tion of  the  kiva,  when  a  short  prayer  is  uttered  by  the  Powamu  priest. 
A  pinch  of  corn-meal  is  handed  from  the  altar  to  every  one  present, 
except  the  novitiates,  and  then  follows  a  short  recess  during  which 
all  who  had  occupied  the  elevated  portion  of  the  kiva  go  out.  Among 
them  is  the  man  who  is  to  act  as  the  Chowilawu  Katcina,  and  who  has 
been  sitting  in  the  extreme  southeast  corner  wrapped  up  in  his 
blanket  and  concealed  by  the  other  men  during  this  part  of  the  cere- 
mony. The  novitiates  are  not  supposed  to  know  that  the  Chowilawu 
Katcina,  which  they  are  to  see  later  in  the  evening,  is  a  Hopi,  and 
hence  great  care  is  taken  to  keep  his  identity  concealed.  No  fire  is 
allowed  in  the  kiva  before  this  recess  and  when  I  on  one  occasion  had 
lit  a  candle  I  was  asked  to  extinguish  it,  as  the  novitiates  were  not  to 
see  what  was  going  on.  While  the  other  men  return  to  the  kiva 
immediately,  the  Chowilawu  man  runs  to  a  place  east  of  the  village, 
puts  on  his  mask  and  waits  until  he  is  fetched,  as  will  be  related 
presently. 

During  the  recess  the  Powamu  priest  dons  his  ceremonial  kilt, 
takes  the  medicine  bowl,  aspergill  and  a  baho  and  mounts  the 
banquette,  standing  close  to  the  small  altar.  Next  to  him  stands 
Koyongainiwa  holding  a  pinch  of  corn-meal  in  his  hand.  Next  to 
Koyongainiwa  stand  two  old  women  (Singossi,  Badger  clan,  the  wife 
of  the  Soyal  priest,  and  Sikahoinoma,  Katcina  clan,  the  wife  of 
Lomaashniwa)  and  usually  two  or  three  younger  women  and  girls 
dressed  in  the  white  ceremonial  blanket  {aide)  and  holding  a  tray  with 
corn-meal.  The  Katcina  priest  also  having  put  on  his  ceremonial  kilt 
{pitkund)  and  sash  {mochapngonkwawa),  takes  from  the  small  altar  one 
of  the  natsi  sticks  and  a  tray  with  meal,  on  which  are  also  lying  a  few 
naktvak7i>osis.  He  holds  the  tray  with  both  hands,  the  stick  in  his  left 
hand  and  takes  a  position  west  of  the  fireplace,  his  face  towards  the 
north.  Having  first  said  in  a  low  tone  :  '' Nu  yuk  hopo  Ki'shiwuu  ao  it 
i  wuyayu  wangwaini.''     (From  there,  east,  at  Ki'shiwuu  do  I  call  my 

*One  or  more  feathers  worn  in  the  hair  ia  ceremonies  are  called  ««<few<7«V« ,•  "nak-wa"  from 
"  nawakwa"  means  want,  wish,  would  like  to,  desire,  etc. 


92         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

ancestors.)  He  sings  out  in  a  very  loud  voice  the  following  words  : 
"  Yahaho,  hopok  KCshiwuu*'  paoni^  yapik  nu  ung  nawakna.''^  (You  that 
live  at,  or  you  from  Ki'shiwuu,  come  here;  just  here  I  want  you.) 
He  then  turns  his  face  to  the  west,  then  to  the  south  and  then  to  the 
east,  each  time  repeating  these  words  in  the  same  manner,  whereupon 
he  rushes  up  the  ladder,  being  followed  by  all  except  the  novitiates 
and  the  men  and  women  standing  on  the  banquette.  The  latter 
keep  up  a  low  humming  song  during  which  the  Powamu  priest 
sprinkles  water  on  the  mosaic  at  short  intervals.  One  of  the  women, 
Singossi,  holds  the  Powamu /f/)<7«/ ;  Sikahoinoma,  the  Katcina  tiponi ; 
the  other  women,  corn  ears.      All  await  the  return  of  the  men. 

Following  the  men  who  left  the  kiva  with  the  Katcina  chief 
(igoi),  I  found  that  they  ran  along  various  streets  to  the  east  side  of 
the  village,  where  the  Chowilawu  Katcina,  having  quickly  put  on  the 
mask  and  other  paraphernalia,  joined  them  and  then  all  returned  to 
the  kiva.  All  were  constantly  shouting  as  they  ran  through  the  vil- 
lage. The  whole  mterval  only  lasted  a  few  minutes.  The  men  at 
once  reenter  the  kiva,  seating  themselves  on  the  elevated  portion. 
They  are  followed  by  the  Katcina  chief,  who  is  sprinkled  with  water 
and  corn-meal  by  the  men  and  women  on  the  banquette  and  then  takes 
a  position  on  the  west  side  of  the  sand  mosaic.  Immediately  the 
Chowilawu  Katcina  also  enters,  goes  to  the  north  side  of  the  sand 
mosaic  and  commences  a  curious  jumping  dance  on  the  mosaic,  fol- 
lowing more  especially,  although  by  no  means  only,  the  edge  of  the 
mosaic ;  his  object  being,  it  seems,  to  jump  as  often  as  possible  on 
the  small  piles  of  cornmeal.  He  dances  around  the  mosaic  in  a  sinis- 
tral circuit  four  times,  constantly  waving  the  pota  in  such  a  manner 
that  the  different  segments  or  leaves  would  open  and  close  at  different 
places  (see  PI.  LI).  During  this  dance  the  men  and  women  on  the 
banquette  constantly  sprinkle  the  Katcina  with  water  and  corn-meal 
and  wave  the  tiponis  and  other  objects  toward  him.f  The  men  on  the 
spectators'  portion  shout  and  holloa  almost  constantly  during  the 
performance.  At  its  conclusion  both  the  Powamu  and  Katcina  priests 
hand  the  Katcina  a  baho  and  some  corn-meal.  The  last  two  then 
leave|  the  kiva,  being  asperged  from  the  medicine  bowl  and  sprinkled 

♦Ki'shiwuu  is  a  place  probably  about  sixty  miles  northieast  from  Oraibi  and  from  there  came 
certain  Hopi  clans,  among  them  the  Honani  and  perhaps  the  Katcina.  The  Powamu  cult  and 
various  Katcinas  are  claimed  to  have  been  brought  from  there  and  for  every  Powamu  and  Nimaa 
ceremony  messengers  are  sent  to  Ki'shiwuu  for  pine  branches  to  be  used  in  the  ceremony. 

tin  the  1895  ceremony  the  old  Powamu  priest  Siima  remained  on  the  banquette  and  sprinkled 
the  water.  In  1897  Qomahoiniwa  handed  the  medicine  bowl  to  Koyongainiwa,  while  he  himselt 
stood  beside  the  Katcina  chief. 

Jin  1895  the  Katcina  left  the  kiva  before,  in  1897  and  1901  after,  the  Katcina  priest. 


Pl.  LI.    The  Chowilawu  Katcina  Dancing. 

The  Katcina  is  represented  as  dancing  on  the  sand  mosaic  and  throwing 
open  and  shutting  the  segments  or  leaves  of  \ht  pota  in  front  of  the  candidates  to 
be  initiated  into  the  Powamu  fraternity. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  LI. 


The  Chowilawu  Katcina  Dancing. 


LIBRARY 

OFTHt 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS. 


Dec.  igoi.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony —Voth.  93 

with  corn-meal  by  all  from  the  banquette  as  well  as  from  the  elevated 
portion  of  the  kiva.  The  men  from  the  spectators'  portion  again  rush 
after  them  with  a  great  deal  of  noise,  running  to  the  same  place  east 
of  the  village  as  before,  from  where  the  Chowilawu  runs  to  a  place 
northeast  of  the  village  to  deposit  the  prayer  offerings,  the  Katcina 
priest  and  the  men  returning  to  the  kiva.  Those  on  the  banquette 
remain  and  are  singing  until  the  Katcina  chief  returns.  The  Powamu 
priest,  who,  as  stated  before,  had  left  the  banquette  in  1897,  had  again 
taken  his  place  at  the  medicine  bowl  immediately  after  the  men  had 
left  the  kiva.  When  the  Katcina  chief  returns  the  singing  stops,  all 
say  "thanks,"  and  he  places  the  na^st  stick  on  the  large  meal  tray  on 
the  small  altar,  divests  himself  of  his  kilt,  takes  his  it/>om  to  the  large 
altar  and  somewhat  later  sweeps  up  the  sand  mosaic,  depositing  the 
sand  a  few  yards  south  of  the  kiva.* 

The  Powamu  chief  in  the  meanwhile  replaces  the  altar  paraphernalia 
from  the  small  to  the  large  altar,  and  then  addresses  a  short  speech  to 
the  newly  initiated  members,  the  contents  of  which  is  essentially  as 
follows:  "You  have  now  seen  these  things  here;  you  are  not  to 
reveal  them  to  anybody  when  you  now  go  home  ;  even  if  your  own 
father  or  mother  should  ask  you,  you  must  not  tell  them  anything  ;  if 
they  ask  you  about  the  Chowilawu,  tell  them  there  was  no  fire  in  the 
kiva  and  you  could  not  see  him  ;  you  will,  later,  sprinkle  the  Katcinas 
with  corn-meal  when  they  dance  ;  you  will  sometimes  not  eat  any  salt 
or  salted  food ;  if  you  reveal  any  of  these  things  the  Katcinas  will 
punish  you."  Koyongainiwa  then  also  says  a  few  words,  repeating 
in  substance  what  the  Powamu  chief  has  said  and  then  the  new  mem- 
bers are  taken  home.  It  is  now  usually  about  8  o'clock  p.  m.  The 
man  who  has  acted  the  part  of  Chowilawu  returns,  carrying  the  Kat- 
cina costume  under  his  blanket ;  several  of  the  leaders  smoke  ;  many 
dishes  of  food  are  brought  in  and  the  leaders  partake  of  a  hearty  sup- 
per, after  which  they  soon  retire  for  the  night  in  the  kiva.  The  usual 
evening  ceremony  is  of  course  suspended  on  initiation  days. 

Those  who  have  gone  through  this  initiation  have  in  the  first 
place  become  members  of  the  Powamu  fraternity,  and  as  such  the  boys 
and  men  are  entitled  to  be  present  at  the  ceremonies  and  learn  all  the 
secrets  of  that  order.  They  may,  furthermore,  act  as  Katcinas  and  later 
as  fathers  {"  naamu")  of  the  Katcinas,  /.  e.,  as  leaders  of  the  Kat- 
cina dances  who  lead  the  Katcinas  to  the  plaza,  prompt  them  in  their 
songs,  and,  above  all,  sprinkle  them  with  corn-meal  and  give  them 
prayer  offerings  at  the  dances.     The  girls,  and  women,  may  put  up 

•In  1897  this  was  done  by  Koyongainiwa,  his  son  Nahutiwa  and  Lomaashniwa  in  1901. 


94         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

the  hair  whorls  of  the  Powamu  Katcin-manas  (see  PI.  LXXIII,  />)  for 
the  dance  of  the  Powamu  Katcinas  (which  will  be  described  later  on), 
sprinkle  the  Katcinas  with  corn-meal  at  the  Katcina  dances,  etc.,  and 
participate  in  the  Powamu  ceremonies  whenever  and  wherever  the 
presence  of  women  is  proper  and  necessary. 

Sixth  Day.     (Fifth  Day  of  the  People.) 

In  the  morning  the  na^si  is  put  up  and  the  usual  ceremony  per- 
formed. During  the  day  the  men  work  on  the  tt'/ius,  bows  and  rattles 
to  be  given  to  the  children  on  the  last  day.  In  the  evening  the  same 
ceremony  takes  place  as  in  the  morning.  On  one  occasion,  however, 
this  difference  was  observed,  that  in  the  morning  the  cloud-blower  was 
used  at  the  conclusion,  in  the  evening  at  the  beginning  of  the  cere- 
mony. 

In  those  years  in  which  new  members  have  been  initiated  into  the 
Powamu  fraternity  on  the  preceding  day,  the  initiation  of  new  mem- 
bers into  the  Katcina  order  takes  place  on  this  day.  On  those  occa- 
sions the  proceedings  of  this  day  are  as  follows  :  Early  in  the  morn- 
ning  the  same  ceremony  is  held  in  the  Honani  kiva  as  on  the  previous 
mornings.  When  that  is  over  preparations  are  at  once  commenced 
for  the  ceremony  mentioned. 

The  Katcin-Yungni.     ("  Katcina  Going  in  "  or  '-'Assembling.") 

This  important  ceremony  always  takes  place  in  the  Marau  kiva, 
the  only  kiva  in  Oraibi  that  belongs  exclusively  to  the  women.  In 
the  morning  the  Powamu  priest  puts  up  at  the  south  end  of  the  hatch- 
way of  this  kiva  a  natsi,  consisting  of  an  entire  yucca  plant,  the  leaves 
of  which  are  about  ten  inches  long.  This  is  inserted  into  a  cone- 
shaped  pedestal  or  stand  made  of  clay  and  a  number  of  eagle  feather 
nakwakwosis  are  fastened  to  the  leaves.  At  about  ten  o'clock  several 
men  of  the  Honani  kiva  commence  to  make  a  sand  mosaic  on  the 
floor  of  the  Marau  kiva  north  of  the  fireplace.  These  men  are  not 
always  the  same  in  the  different  years,  but  Koyongainiwa  and 
Lomaashniwa  are  usually  the  leaders  in  it.  They  first  sift  a  layer  of 
common  yellow  sand  on  the  floor,  three-quarters  to  one  inch  thick. 
This  is  thinly  covered  with  a  layer  of  light  brown  ochre  which  is  found 
not  far  from  Oraibi.  On  this  field  are  then  reproduced  three  figures: 
two  representing  the  Ho,  one  (in  the  center)  the  Hahai-i  or  Angwush- 
nacomtaka  Katcina  (see  PI.  LI  I).  The  first  two  are  represented  as 
holding  a  whip  or  switch  of  yucca  leaves  in  each  hand, with  which  this 
Katcina  flogs  the  children  in  the  initiation  ceremony  that  soon  follows 


Pl.  LII.    Katcina  Initiation  Sand  Mosaic  (Large). 


The  two  black  figures  represent  the  Ho  Katcina  that  flogs  the  children. 
Each  one  holds  in  one  hand  a  switch  of  yucca  leaves.  The  objects  on  the  head 
and  those  suspended  from  the  horns  represent  eagle  tail  feathers. 

The  center  figure  represents  the  Hahai-i  or  Angwushnacomtaka  Katcina  who 
holds  a  bunch  of  switches  of  which  he  hands  new  ones  to  the  Ho  Katcinas  as  theirs 
are  worn  out  in  flogging  the  children.  The  object  on  the  head  represents  a  bunch 
of  small  eagle  feathers.  The  spots  on  the  sand  field  represent  blossoms  of 
herbs,  grasses,  etc. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.    Lll. 


Katcina  Initiation  Sand  Mosaic  (Large) 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILUNOIS. 


IIBRARV 

OF  THE 

^NIVERSITy  Of  ILLINOIS. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.    Llll. 


Katcina  Initiation  Sand  Mosaic  (Small). 


Pl.  LIU.     Katcina  Initiation   Sand  Mosaic  (Small). 


This  sand  mosaic  is  always  drawn  at  the  southeast  corner  of  the  larger  one 
(see  previous  plate),  as  maybe  seen  on  PI.  LIV".  It  represents  the  Sipa/>u,t.he 
opening  in  the  earth,  somewhere  in  the  Grand  Canon,  from  which  the  human 
family  is  said  to  have  emerged.  The  four  lines  or  squares  represent  the  four 
world  quarters:  the  yellow  north,  the  green  west,  the  red  south,  the  white  east. 
The  terraced  figure  on  each  of  the  four  sides  is  one  of  the  typical  Hopi  cloud 
symbols,  but  in  this  case  is  said  by  the  chief  priest  to  represent  the  blossoms  of 
the  Sipapu.    (Houses  are  also  said  to  have  imaginary  blossoms  and  roots.) 

The  yellow  line,  running  from  the  center  of  the  Sipapu,  is  the  way  of  life 
which  the  Hopi  are  supposed  to  have  traveled  when  coming  from  the  Sipapu  and 
going  towards  the  rising  sun,  and  which  every  Hopi  is  still  supposed  to  travel 
through  life  ;  the  four  blue  marks  represent  the  foot  tracks  of  the  traveler,  the 
four  crooks  the  four  stages  of  life,  the  longest  childhood,  the  next  youth,  then 
manhood  and  the  shortest  one  old  age  when,  as  the  Hopi  say,  man  grows  small 
again  and  walks  by  the  aid  of  a  stick  in  a  stooping  position. 

The  objects  on  the  four  sides  of  the  picture  are  corn  ears  and  celts. 


<q  l^id:: 


...  I 


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OP  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS 


Pl.  LIV.     Katcina  Initiation  AltaR. 


The  two  sand  mos.aics  have  been  described  on  the  two  previous  plates. 
Over  the  small  mosaic  may  be  seen  a  string  of  old  beads  and  eagle  tail  feathers 
which  in  the  ceremony  are  attached  to  the  roof  of  the  kiva.  To  the  lower  end  of 
this  string  is  tied  a  small  ruhpi  (quartz  crystal).  In  the  foreground  may  be  seen 
the  fireplace,  in  the  farther  left-hand  corner  the  crook  (ng'oloshhoya),  water  vessel 
{^tnongwikuru)  and  wooden  implement  {wonawika)  which  Muyingwa  holds  in 
his  hands  during  the  ceremony. 


yj:.-^/ 


Dec.  1 901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  95 

(see  PL  LXIII).  The  Hahai-i  is  represented  as  holding  a  supply  of 
these  whips  in  his  arms,  which  are  being  handed  to  the  Ho  Katcinas 
whenever  those  used  by  the  latter  are  being  worn  out.  The  dots  of 
different  colors  on  the  mosaic  represent  blossoms  of  vegetables,  herbs, 
vines  and  grasses  used  by  the  Hopi.  The  mosaic  is  about  three  and 
one-half  feet  square. 

In  the  afternoon  the  Powamu  priest  makes  a  smaller  sand  mosaic 
called  the  sipapu  at  the  southeast  corner  of  the  larger  one.  (See  PI. 
LIII.)  It  consists  of  a  square  about  two  inches  in  diameter  around 
which  are  drawn  four  borders,  each  about  one  inch  wide.  The  first 
is  yellow,  the  color  of  the  north  ;  the  second  green  or  blu6,  the  color 
of  the  west  ;  the  third  red,  the  color  of  the  south  ;  the  fourth  white 
the  color  of  the  east.  These  lines  are  separated  by  black  lines,  the 
color  of  above.  On  the  four  sides  of  this  square  are  drawn  terraced 
cloud  symbols,  a  yellow  one  on  the  north,  a  green  one  on  the  west,  red 
on  the  south  and  white  on  the  east  side.  From  each  of  these  are 
several  black  lines  which  represent  turkey  feather  nakwakwosis.*  On 
the  north  side  of  this  mosaic  are  placed  a  yellow  corn  ear  and  two 
light  brown  celts,  one  six,  the  other  eight  inches  long  and  both  about 
two  inches  wide  at  the  wider  end  and  bluntly  pointed  at  the  other 
end  ;  at  the  west  side  a  bluish-black  corn  ear  with  a  celt  of  a  similar 
color,  the  latter  being  about  nine  inches  long,  the  width  and  shape 
being  about  the  s>me  as  the  other  two  ;  on  the  south  side  a  red  corn 
ear  and  aredceltf  the  latter  being  thirteen  inches  long  at  the  wider  and 
about  one  incj^'at  the  narrower  end  ;  on  the  east  side  a  white  corn  ear 
and  a  celt  of  the  same  color  as  those  on  the  north  side,!  about  ten 
inches  long  and  two  and  a  half  inches  wide  at  the  wide  end,  tapering 
to  a  point  at  the  other  end.  Above  this  small  mosaic  is  suspended 
from  the  roof  of  the  kiva  a  string  with  old  white  hedids  {pokrah-iokwabiy 
and  a  string  with  one  hundred  and  four  old  eagle  wing  feathers.  To 
the  lower  end  of  the  first  named  string  is  fastened  a  small  quartz 
crystal  {ruhpi).     (See  PI.  LIV.) 

While  these  preparations  are  being  made  several  men  paint  and 
dress  up  four  boys  who  are  to  act  in  the  ceremony  as  Koyemsi  Kat- 
cinas. Their  whole  body  is  daubed  with  a  reddish  clay.  On  the  head 
they  wear  a  mask  of  the  same  color  and  made  of  old  coarse  cloth,  to 
the  top  of  which  several  balls  or  nodules  are  attached.  Around  the 
hips  they  wear  a  kilt  made  of  native  blue  cloth.      They  are  instructed 

*The  cloud  symbols  are  in  this  case  called-  the  sihuata  (blossoms)  of  the  sipapu  (see  foot 
note  in  connection  with  the  explanation  of  the  Powalawu  sand  mosaic,  supra,  p.  76). 

fit  is  highly  probable  that  a  celt  of  a  light  gray  or  whitish  color  was  originally  lying  on 
this  side. 


96         Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

by  the  leaders  as  to  how  to  perform  their  part  in  the  coming 
ceremony. 

Meanwhile  the  three  men  who  are  to  act  as  Katcinas  are  painting 
up  and  are  getting  their  costumes  ready  in  the  Honani  kiva.  The 
one  who  is  to  act  as  Hahai-i  or  Angwushnacomtaka,  is  dressed  in  a 
common  woman's  dress,  woman's  moccasins,  white  knotted  belt,  and 
the  large  embroidered  robe  {toihi).  (For  tihu  of  this  Katcina  see  PL 
LIX  a.)  The  mask  is  green  with  a  black  triangular  space  on  the 
face,  a  bunch  of  small  eagle  feathers  on  top  and  an  entire  crow  wing 
tied  to  each  side. 

The  Ho  Katcina  that  usually  flogs  the  children  is  painted  black 
with  large  dots  of  white  kaolin  all  over  the  body,  to  which  are  pasted 
very  small  soft  eagle  feathers.  The  forearms  and  lower  parts  of  the 
legs  are  either  white  or  yellow.  The  costume  consists  of  a  black 
mask  with  a  few  white  marks,  protruding  eyes,  a  very  large  mouth 
and  two  horns.  From  each  of  the  latter  is  suspended  an  eagle  feather. 
To  the  top  of  the  mask  are  fastened  a  number  of  eagle  tail  feathers 
that  point  backward  and  downward.  Around  the  hips  he  wears  a 
belt  of  leather,  painted  green  and  a  kilt  made  of  the  hair  of  horses' 
manes  and  dyed  red.  This  kilt  is  called  tawahona  and  when  used  on 
sun  symbols  is  said  to  represent  the  rays  of  the  sun.  On  the  upper 
part  of  the  arms  the  Katcina  wears  green  leather  arm-bands,  to  each 
of  which  an  eagle  tail  feather  is  attached.  (For  tihus  of  this  Katcina 
see  PI.  LIX.)  A  turtle  shell  rattle  and  a  number  of  small  brass  bells 
are  tied  to  each  leg  below  the  knee  and  on  the  left  wrist  is  worn  a 
wrist-band  or  wrist  protector.  Their  feet  are  moccasined.  Usually 
the  two  Katcinas  are  of  the  variety  of  Ho  Katcinas  just  described,  but 
on  one  occasion  one  was  the  so-called  Sakwa  (Green)  Ho  Katcina, 
which  is  said  to  have  formerly  appeared  frequently  on  this  occasion. 
This  personage  was  painted  and  costumed  as  follows  :  The  upper 
part  of  the  body,  the  lower  right  arm  and  the  lower  left  leg  were 
painted  yellow  ;  the  lower  part  of  the  back,  the  abdomen  and  both 
upper  arms,  red  ;  the  hips,  thighs,  lower  left  arm  and  lower  right  leg, 
green,  with  a  red  band  across  and  a  yellow  band  above  and  below 
each  knee.  Both  hands  were  daubed  with  white  kaolin.  The  mask 
was  just  like  that  of  the  other  Ho  Katcina,  only  green  instead  of 
black.  The  costume  consisted  of  the  usual  Katcina  kilt  and  sash, 
woman's  belt,  green  leather  arm-bands  and  moccasins.  (See  PI. 
LIX*:.)* 

*It  is  said  that  formerly  a  Ho  Katcina  occasionally  flogged  the  children,  whose  costume  was 
essentially  the  same  as  that  of  the  regular  Ho  (a)  but  who  wore  a  kilt  made  of  yucca  leaves  (see 
PI.  LIX  d). 


LIBRARY 

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iWIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.    LV. 


V\^ 

i      '  A 

^9-    ..■     ■'     m 

-V  A        (\ 

— ^ 

MONQKOHOS. 


Pl.  LV.    Mongkohos. 


The  mongkoho  is  the  emblem  or  badge  of  office,  or  membership,  of  different 
societies  and  priests.  The  upper  three  belong  to  members  of  the  Kwan  (Agave) 
society,  the  last  one  is  one  as  used  by  the  Ahl  (Horn)  society.  The  mongkoho 
used  by  the  Aototo  Katcina,  Kikmongwi,  etc.,  is  similar  to  the  last  one  pictured  on 
the  plate. 


Dec.  igoi.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  97 

While  the  Katcinas  are  getting  ready,  the  Powamu  priest  pre- 
pares a  crook  about  thirty-five  inches  long,  to  the  upper  end  of  which 
he  fastens  a  cotton  string,  to  the  lower  end  of  which  an  eagle  breath 
feather  is  tied.  About  midway  on  the  crook  a  corn  ear  and  eight  corn 
husk  packets  {mociatd)  containing  honey  and  corn-meal  are  tied  to 
the  stick.  From  each  of  the  latter  is  suspended  a  nakwakwosi.  The 
Katcina  priest  and  his  assistant  in  the  meanwhile  prepare  three  bahos 
to  be  given  to  the  three  Katcinas  after  the  ceremony.  Another  man 
ties  together  four  lengths  of  several  yucca  leaves,  tying  a  hawk  feather 
to  each  of  the  four  knots.  The  use  of  this  ring  or  wheel  {ngolla)  will 
be  explained  later  on.  On  one  occasion  I  noticed  that  at  this  time 
some  one  brought  a  bunch  of  yucca  leaves,  about  twenty-four  inches 
long,  from  which  a  number  of  whips  or  switches  were  made,  to  be 
used  later  on  by  the  Ho  Katcinas  for  flogging  the  children.  These 
whips  are  simply  six  to  eight  leaves  which  are  tied  together.  The 
Powamu  chief  sends  a  young  man  with  a  small  netted  gourd  (mong- 
wikuru)  to  a  spring  for  water  and  then  gets  ready  for  the  ceremony. 
He  makes  a  line  of  white  dots  along  the  front  part  of  his  legs,  com- 
mencing at  his  big  toe,  and  along  the  inner  side  of  his  arms,  beginning 
at  the  point  of  the  thumbs,  running  up  to  the  shoulders  and  then 
down  to  the  nipples.  Lastly  he  makes  a  white  mark  under  the  left 
eye  and  runs  a  light-blue  line  from  each  nipple  to  a  level  with  the 
umbilicus.  He  then  folds  up  a  white  ceremonial  blanket  {owd)  and 
puts  it  on  as  seen  on  PI.  LVH. 

Meanwhile  the  Katcina  priest  and  his  assistant  have  also  put  on 
their  ceremonial  costume  which  consists  of  the  usual  Katcina  sash  and 
kilt.  By  way  of  ornament  many  strands  of  beads  are  placed  around 
the  neck. 

When  all  are  ready  the  three  men  who  are  to  act  as  Katcinas 
retire  to  a  secluded  spot  outside  of  the  village,  carrying  their  costumes 
in  their  blankets,  and  there  dress  up  and  wait  until  they  are  to  appear 
and  take  part  in  the  ceremony  in  the  Marau  kiva. 

While  these  preparations  have  been  going  on  in  the  Honani  kiva 
those  in  the  Marau  kiva  have  also  been  completed.  The  sand  mosaic 
has  been  prepared,  and  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the  kiva  an  enclosure 
has  been  made  of  blankets  as  a  place  of  concealment  for  the  four 
Koyemsi  Katcinas.  When  all  is  ready  the  leaders  of  the  ceremony 
begin  to  come  in;  first  Shokhungyoma  and  Lomankwaima;  the  first  in 
his  capacity  as  chief  or  owner  of  the  houses  in  the  village  {kikmongwi), 
the  latter  as  crier  {chaakntongwi)  whose  duty  it  is  to  announce  the 
various  religious  ceremonies  before  they  take  place.  Both  have  a  so- 
called  chief's  staff  {mongkohd),  which  is  their  badge  of  office  (see  PI. 


98  Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 

LV),  and  the  first  has  also  a  pipe  filled  with  native  tobacco  and  a  fuse 
{kopichoki)  made  of  cedar  bark  for  lighting  the  pipe  when  the  proper 
time  arrives  (see  PI.  XL).  These  two  men  squat  down  on  the  floor 
close  to  the  wall  west  of  the  fireplace  where  Koyongainiwa,  who  has 
been  assisting  in  making  the  preparations,  joins  them.  By  this  time 
the  children  who  are  to  be  initiated  begin  to  arrive.  Each  has  a 
white  corn  ear  and  is  accompanied  by  two  persons,  one  male  and  one 
female,  who  may  be  either  married  or  single.  They  are  said  to  "put 
in"  {pana)  t.  e.,  to  introduce  or  initiate  the  young  candidate  into  the 
Katcina  order,  and  are  forever  after  called  his  or  her  "father,"  or 
"mother."  They  are  never  relatives  nor  can  they  be  of  the  same 
clan  as  the  actual  father  and  mother  of  the  child.  With  this  excep- 
tion they  may  belong  to  any;  but  must  both  be  of  the  same  clan. 
When  they  arrive  at  the  kiva  with  their  candidate  they  all  sprinkle  a 
pinch  of  corn-meal  on  the  natst  and  having  descended  the  ladder, 
sprinkle  meal  also  on  the  small  sand  mosaic  ;  whereupon  the  candi- 
date (kelehoya)  is  requested  to  step  into  the  yucca  leaf  ring  or  wheel 
before  mentioned.  Two  men,  squatting  on  opposite  sides,  hold  this 
ring  and  when  the  candidate  is  standing  in  it  raise  and  lower  it  four 
times  expressing  at  the  same  time  the  wish  that  the  kelehoya  may  grow 
up  and  live  to  an  old  age  and  always  be  happy.  The  candidate  is 
then  taken  by  his  sponsor  or  "father"  into  the  north  part  of  the  kiva; 
another  one  follows,  and  so  on  until  all  have  gone  through  the  same 
performance.  The  Powamu  novitiates  that  were  initiated  the  pre- 
vious evening  are  also  all  present,  but  only  as  spectators.*  When 
all  the  kelehoyas  have  been  brought  in,  the  Katcina  priest  and  his 
assistant  come  over  from  the  Honani  kiva,  the  first  carrying  the 
Powamu  natsi  and  a  tray  with  a  baho  and  some  corn-meal,  the  latter 
a  tray  with  two  bahos  and  some  meal.  (See  PI.  LVI  b.^  These  bahos 
are  the  ones  that  these  two  men  were  preparing  in  the  Honani  kiva  a 
short  time  before,  as  has  already  been  stated.  Both  take  a  stand 
between  the  ladder  and  fireplace  facing  toward  the  north.  Shokhungyo- 
ma  now  lights  his  pipe  with  the  kopichoki  and  while  he,  Lomankwaima 
and  Koyongainiwa  are  silently  smoking,  the  Powamu  chief  priest  enters 
the  kiva  dressed  in  the  simple  white  owa  as  before  described.  In 
his  left  hand  he  holds  the  netted  gourd  {tnongwikuru),  four  corn  ears 
and  a  wooden  implement  {wonawika)  which  is  about  fourteen  inches 
long  and  has  somewhat  the  form  of  a  knife  (see  PI.  LVII).  In  his 
right  hand  he  holds  the  crook  to  which  the  corn  ear  and  the  corn-meal 
packets  are  fastened.      He   takes  a  stand  to  the   right   of  the  ladder 

♦One  of  the  leaders  told  the  author  that  they  are  present  in  order  to  see  what  awaits  them  in 
case  they  reveal  anything  of  what  they  have  seen  the  previous  evening. 


Bint/.    3Cil  ()1   ifTKCoH   '  lb 


lai  3d  ol  nsibfirij 


Pl.  LVI.     Participants   of  the  Katcina  Initiation   Going  to  the  Kiva. 


a.  Children  to  be  initiated  and  their  sponsors  filing  into  the  kiva. 

b.  The  Katcina  priest  and  his  assistant  going  from  the  Honani  to  the  Marau 
kiva,  carrying  trays  with  bahos  and  sacred  meal. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.    LVI. 


Participants  of  the  Katcina  Initiation  Going  to  the  Kiva. 


OfTHfc 


Pl.  LVII.    Muyingwa  Descending  into  the  Marau  Kiva. 


W^''-'  The  chief  Powamu  priest  here  represents  the  God  of  Germination,  Muyingwa, 
who  is  said  to  live  in  the  earth.  He  carries  in  his  left  hand  a  long  crook  (  ngblosh- 
Aciya ),  a  sacred  water  vessel  {mongivikuru),  and  a  wonawtka  (a  wooden  imple- 
ment said  to  have  been  used  formerly  for  weeding  purposes).  He  is  dressed  in  a 
folded  otva  (bridal  blanket). 


FIELD   COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.    LVII. 


MuYiNGWA  Descending  into  the  Marau  Kiva. 


OPTH£ 

UNIVERSITY  of  iatN<> 


IIBRARV 

OP  THE 

IJNIVERSITyar  ILLINOIS 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN   MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.   LVIII. 


TlHUS   OF   KATCINAS   MENTIONED   IN    MUYINGWA'S   NARRATIVE. 


Pl.  LVIII,    Tihus  of  Katcinas  Mentioned  in  Muyingwa's  Narrative. 


a.  Nakachok  Katcina  (meaning  obscure).  The  name  is  derived  from  a  word 
that  frequently  occurs  in  the  song  of  this  Katcina. 

b.  Hototo  Katcina.  Of  this  Katcina  different  varieties  exist  and  as  the  nar- 
rator does  not  specify  any  particular  variety  it  is  uncertain  whether  this  particular 
one  is  meant. 

c.  Mastop  Katcina  (see  "The  Oraibi  Soyal  Ceremony,''  Plates  XXIII,  XXIV 
and  XXV).     Name  derived  from  a  large  fly. 

d.  Sohoncomtaka  Katcina  (the  name  signifies:  "The  man,  having  hay  or 
dry  grass  tied  to,"  from  the  bunches  of  dry  grass  tied  to  the  mask). 

e.  Palakway  Katcina  ("Red  Eagle,"  meaning  a  Hawk  Katcina). 


Dec.  igoi.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  99 

(east)  and  now  represents  Muyingwa,  the  God  of  germination  and 
growth,  who  is  said  to  live  at  Yaka  (Below),  from  where  he  is  now 
supposed  to  have  arrived  by  a  long  route.  Deep  silence  prevails 
throughout  the  kiva.  Presently  one  of  the  older  men  addressing 
Muyingwa,  asks:  "Taa,  hakak  urn  pito  ?''  (Well,  or  now  where  did 
you  come  from?)  Muyingwa:  ^'Yangk,  Tow  anas  hangak  nu  pito." 
(From  yonder,  below,  from  Towanashabe  came  I.)  The  other 
man:  '■'■Taa,  anchaa,  pai  kashok  hakton  um  wainoma,  pai  lalawaia!" 
(Well,  all  right  ;  for  what  purpose  do  you  go,  (or  wander)  about  ? 
Tell  us,  or  relate  !)  Muyingwa  then  speaks  in  a  doleful,  monotonous 
tone,  a  free  rendering  of  his  talk  being  in  substance  as  follows:  "Yes, 
all  right,  those  there  at  Towanashabe'*  were  all  assembled  making  a 
ladder.  They  put  up  the  ladder  ;  with  turquoise  strands  was  it  tied 
together.     That  way  we  came  up  and  out.^ 

"  Eastward  we  came,  traveling  on  a  road  marked  with  yellow 
corn  seed  (shelled  corn).  We  beheld  the  house  of  the  Akush 
Katcina  chief.  In  a  beautiful  yellow  mist  was  the  house  enveloped. 
So  we  went  in.  The  Akush  Katcina  chief  was  there.  He  has 
beautiful  yellow  corn  seed,  beans,  watermelons,  muskmelons,  and 
that  way  he  lives.  Here  these  Oraibi  children,  little  girls,  little 
boys,  of  different  sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu^  shall  they  know  our 
ceremonies*;  yes,  they  shall  know  them.  BeautifuP  ladder  beam, 
beautiful  ladder  rungs,  tied  to  the  beam  with  turquoise  strands ! 
Thus  we  came  out. 

"Westward  we  came.  On  a  road  marked  with  beautiful  blue  corn 
seed  we  traveled.  We  beheld  the  house  of  the  Nakachok  Katcina 
chief.  (PI.  LVni,  a.)  Beautiful  white  mist  enveloped  the  house. 
Thus  we  went  in.  The  Nalcachok  Katcina  chief  was  there.  Having 
beautiful  blue  corn  seed,  beans,  watermelons,  muskmelons,  he 
dwells  there.  These  Oraibi  children  here,  little  girls,  little  boys,  of 
different  sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu  shall  they  know  our  ceremonies. 
Yes,  they  shall  know  them  !  Beautiful  ladder  beam,  beautiful  ladder 
rungs,  with  turquoise  strands  are  they  tied  to  the  ladder.  Thus  we 
came  out. 

"Westward  we  came.  On  a  road  marked  with  beautiful  red  corn 
seed  we  traveled.  We  beheld  the  house  of  the  Hototo  Katcina  chief. 
{PI.  LVIII,  b.')  A  beautiful  red  mist  enveloped  the  house.  Thus  we 
went  in.  The  Hototo  Katcina  chief  was  there.  He  had  beautiful 
red  corn  seed,  beans,  watermelons,  muskmelons,  and  thus  he  lived 
there.      Here  these  Oraibi  children,  little  girls,  little  boys,  of  different 

*The  numbers  throughout  the  speech  refer  to  corresponding  numbers  in  the  explanatory 

notes  at  the  conclusion  of  the  talic. 


loo        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   Ill, 

sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu  shall  they  know  our  ceremonies.  Yes,  they 
shall  know  them  !  Beautiful  ladder  beam,  beautiful  ladder  rungs, 
tied  with  turquoise  strands  to  the  ladder.      Thus  we  came  out. 

"Southward  we  came.  On  a  road  marked  with  beautiful  white 
corn  seed  we  traveled.  We  beheld  the  house  of  the  Mastop  Katcina 
chief.  (PI.  LVIII  c.)  A  beautiful  white  mist  enveloped  the  house» 
Thus  we  went  in.  The  Mastop  Katcina  chief  was  there.  Having 
beautiful  white  corn  seed,  beans,  watermelons,  muskmelons,  he  lived 
there.  Here  these  Oraibi  children,  little  girls,  little  boys,  of  different 
sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu  shall  they  know  our  ceremonies.  Yes,  they 
shall  know  them!  Beautiful  ladder- beam,  beautiful  ladder  rungs, 
tied  to  the  ladder  with  turquoise  strands.      Thus  we  came  out. 

"Northward  we  came.  On  a  road  marked  with  beautiful  black 
corn  seed  did  we  travel.  We  beheld  the  house  of  the  Sohonsomtaka 
Katcina.  (PI.  LVHI  </.)  A  beautiful  black  mist  enveloped  the 
house.  Thus  we  went  in.  The  Sohonsomtaka  was  there.  Having 
beautiful  black  corn  seed,  beans,  watermelons,  muskmelons,  he 
lived  there.  Here  these  Oraibi  children,  little  girls,  little  boys,  of 
different  sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu  shall  they  know  our  ceremonies. 
Yes,  they  shall  know  them.  Beautiful  ladder  beam,  beautiful 
ladder  rungs,  tied  with  turquoise  strands  to  the  ladder  !  Thus  we 
went  out. 

"Westward  we  came.  On  a  road  marked  with  all  kinds  of  beauti- 
ful corn  seed  did  we  travel.  We  beheld  the  house  of  the  Ho  Katcina 
chief.  (See  PI.  LIX  b.)  A  beautiful  mist  enveloped  the  house. 
Thus  we  entered.  The  Ho  Katcina  chief  was  there.  He  had  beauti- 
ful corn  seed  of  all  kinds  of  colors,  also  beans,  watermelons,  musk- 
melons, and  thus  he  lived.  Here  these  Oraibi  children,  little  girls, 
little  boys,  of  different  sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu  our  ceremonies  they 
shall  know.  Yes,  they  shall  know  them.  Beautiful  ladder  beam, 
beautiful  ladder  rungs,  tied  with  turquoise  to  the  ladder.  Thus  we 
went  out. 

"Southward  we  came.  On  a  road  marked  with  beautiful  corn. seed 
of  all  colors  did  we  travel.  We  beheld  the  house  of  the  Palakway 
Katcina  chief.  (PI.  LVHI  ^.)  A  beautiful  mist  enveloped  the 
house.  Thus  we  entered.  The  Palakway  Katcina  chief  was  there. 
He  had  beautiful  corn  seed  of  different  colors,  beans,  watermelons, 
muskmelons,  and  thus  he  lived.  These  Oraibi  children,  little  girls,, 
little  boys,  of  different  sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu  our  ceremonies  they 
shall  know.  Yes,  they  shall  know  them.  Beautiful  ladder  beam, 
beautiful  ladder  rungs,  with  turquoise  strands  they  are  fastened  to 
the  ladder.     Thus  we  came  out. 


..'.i;o'  ^/i  ■.:  1 


Pl.  LIX,    TiHUS  OF  Various  Ho  Katcinas,  Etc. 


a.  Hahai-i  or  Angwushnacomtaka  ("  Man   with   crow  wing   tied    to,"   from 
the  crow  wings  tied  to  the  mask). 

b.  Ho  Katcina. 

c.  Sakwa  (Green)  Ho  Katcina. 

d.  Movitkuntaka  (Yucca  Leaf  Kilt)  Ho  Katcina. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  LIX. 


f 


] 


TiHus  OF  Various  Ho  Katcinas,  Etc. 


UBRARY 

OF  THE 

MNIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS. 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

WNIVERSITV  Of  ILLINOIS. 


Pl.  LX.    The  Shrine  of  Achawiali. 


A  shrine  north  of  Oraibi  which  is  mentioned  in  Muyingwa's  narrative  at  the 
Katcina  initiation  ceremony,  and  where  at  present  prayer  offerings  are  made  in 
connection  with  many  ceremonies  and  dances. 


FrELD  COLUMBIAN    MUS6UM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.    LXI. 


TlHUS   OF  THE  AOTOTO  AND  AhOLI    KaTCINA. 


Pl.  LXI.    Tihus  of  the  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcina. 


a.    Aototo.    d.    Aholi. 


Dec.   1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  ioi 

"Eastward  we  came,  to  Achamali  (PI.  LX).  On  a  road  marked 
with  beautiful  corn  seed  of  different  colors  did  we  travel.  We  beheld 
the  house  of  the  Hahi-i  Katcina.  (See  PI.  LIX  a.)  A  beaiitiful 
mist  enveloped  the  house.  Thus  we  entered.  The  Hahai-i  Katcina 
chief  was  there.  He  had  beautiful  corn  seed  of  different  colors, 
beans,  watermelons,  muskmelons,  and  thus  he  lived.  Here  these 
Oraibi  children,  little  girls,  little  boys,  of  different  sizes,  here  at  the 
sipapu  our  ceremonies  they  shall  know.  Yes,  they  shall  know  them. 
Beautiful  ladder  beam,  beautiful  ladder  rungs,  fastened  to  the  ladder 
with  turquoise  strands  !     Thus  we  came  out. 

"Southward,  there  we  came.  On  a  road  marked  with  beautiful 
corn  seed  did  we  travel.  We  beheld  the  house  of  Aototo  and  Aholi. 
A  beautiful  mist  enveloped  the  house.  Thus  we  entered.  The 
Aototo  was  there,  the  Aholi  (PI.  LXI)  was  there.  They  had  beauti- 
ful corn  of  various  colors,  beans,  watermelons,  muskmelons,  and 
thus  they  lived.  Here  these  Oraibi  children,  little  girls,  little  boys, 
of  various  sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu  shall  they  know  our  ceremonies. 
Yes,  they  shall  know  them.  Beautiful  ladder  beam,  beautiful  ladder 
rungs,  fastened  to  the  ladder  with  turquoise  strands.  Thus  we 
came  out. 

"Northward  we  came.  On  a  road  marked  with  beautiful  corn  seed 
of  different  colors  did  we  travel.  We  beheld  the  houses  of  Shokhung- 
yoma,  Lomankwaima,  Koyongainiwa*.  A  beautiful  mist  enveloped 
the  houses.  Thus  we  entered.  Shokhungyoma  was  there  ;  Lomank- 
waima was  there ;  Koyongainiwa  was  there.  They  had  beautiful 
corn  seed  of  different  colors,  beans,  watermelons,  muskmelons,  and 
thus  they  lived.  Here  these  Oraibi  children,  little  girls,  little 
boys,  of  various  sizes,  here  at  the  sipapu  they  shall  know  our 
ceremonies.  Yes,  they  shall  know  them.  Beautiful  ladder  beam, 
beautiful  ladder  rungs,  fastened  to  the  ladder  with  turquoise.  Thus 
we  came  out. 

"And  now  you'  gather  your  people,  your  children,  all  of  them, 
into  your  lap  and  hold  them  all  very  fast  (protect  them).  But  now 
this  time  open  your  hands  to  these  people*  that  this  yucca  may 
enlighten  their  hearts,  and  when  their  hearts  have  been  enlightened 
here  their  heads  will  be  bathed  with  roots  of  this  yucca  and  then  they 
will  be  done. 

"And  thus  then  follow  to  the  white  rising  and  to  the  yellow  rising®, 
this  road  marked  with  nice  corn  pollen  and  on  which  these  four  old 
age  marks  (crooks)  are  standing  (see  PI.  LHI).  On  them  you  will 
support  (or  rest)  yourselves,  and  over  yonder,  where  the  shortest  one 
stands,  may  you  fall  asleep  as  old  women  and  as  old  men'".     But  I 


I02        Field  Columbian  Museum— Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

am  not  wandering  alone.  Here  at  the  corner  they  have  already 
arrived  (referring  to  the  four  Koyemsi  Katcinas  behind  the  curtain  in 
the  corner  of  the  kiva);  come  in,  be  welcome!"  He  then  goes  forward 
among  the  crowd  to  sprinkle  the  children,  and  the  Koyemsis  soon 
emerge  from  behind  the  enclosure,  as  has  already  been  described. 

Explanatory  Notes  of  the  Speech, 

1.  Towanashabe  is  an  imaginary  place  somewhere  '' atyaka"  (down),  but  is  represented  by 
a  place  about  three  miles  south  ot  Oraibi.  Here  the  Honani  (Badger)  clan  is  said  to  have  lived 
awhile  when  coming  from  Ki'shiwuu,  being  at  first  refused  admittance  to  the  village  of  Oraibi  by 
the  inhabitants  of  that  village.  While  this  place  thus  seems  to  be  specially  sacred  to  the  Honani 
clan,  the  name  Towanashabe  occurs  in  the  songs  of  different  societies.  On  the  important  question, 
whose  wanderings  besides  that  of  Muyingwa  are  here  described?  I  could  not  get  very  satisfactory 
answers.  The  old  Powamu  priest,  who  was  very  willing  to  tell  me  all  that  he  knows  about  it,  could 
not  give  a  clear  answer.  He  said  at  first  the  wanderings  of  the  Honani  clan.  But  this  route,  given 
in  this  speech,  would  conflict  with  that  given  in  another  tradition  about  the  coming  of  that  clan  to 
Oraibi.  He  also  thought  that  not  the  Honani  clan  as  such  was  meant,  but  only  certain  personages 
and  certain  Katcinas  of  that  clan.  This  last  suggestion.  I  thinic,  is  a  valuable  clue  to  further 
investigations,  especially  since  it  is  a  fact  that  on  the  last  Powamu  day  a  number  of  the  Katcinas, 
here  mentioned,  appear  in  the  village  with  others  and  the  old  priest  says  that  in  their  coming  to  the 
village  they  pretended  to  imitate  the  wanderings  mentioned  in  this  speech.  Further  studies  of 
these  and  other  traditions  may  produce  some  interesting  facts  and  throw  some  additional  light  on 
the  complicated  questions  connected  with  the  Katcina  cult.  As  to  the  time  when  the  wanderings, 
here  described,  took  place,  no  explanation  could  be  obtained,  but  the  old  priest  expressed  the 
opinion  tiiat  it  antedated  the  coming  of  the  Honani  to  Oraibi.  It  seems  to  me  to  be  premature  to 
discuss  this  question  in  detail.  A  paper  on  the  Katcinas  of  Oraibi  might  offer  a  good  opportunity 
to  do  this  if  and  as  soon  as  more  information  on  these  points  can  be  obtained. 

2.  Tradition  says  that  the  Hopi  emerged  from  the  earth  through  the  sipa^u.  an  opening  in 
the  earth  somewhere  near  or  in  the  Grand  Caflon  of  the  Colorado,  and  that  they  climbed  up  on  a 
ladder  which  is  sometimes  represented  as  having  been  a  tree,  sometimes  a  reed.  The  old  Powamu 
priest,  however,  positively  avers  that  the  coming-out  from  Towanashabe,  here  mentioned,  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  emerging  of  the  Hopi  from  the  sipapu.  If  that  be  true,  and  it  very  likely  is, 
this  would  be  an  interesting  piece  of  information,  especially  if  it  were  found  that  the  party  led  by 
Muyingwa  included  certain  Katcinas. 

3.  The  sipapu  (see  previous  note)  is  represented  in  the  kiva  by  the  small  sand  mosaic 
(See  PI.  LIII.) 

4.  The  word  in  the  original  may  also  mean  "sacred  things,"  "religious  secrets,"  or 
"  religion."    But  "  ceremonies  "  seems  to  be  the  most  appropriate  term  here. 

5.  The  word  " palana"  in  the  original  is  an  archaic  word  and  no  one  was  certain  as  to  what 
it  means.  Some  thought  it  meant  beautiful  and  so  I  have  translated  it  that  way;  the  suggestion 
that  it  meant  ladder  seemed  to  be  inadmissible,  for  contextual  reasons. 

6.  Shokhungyoma  is  here  present  as  the  Kikmongwi  (Village  chief).  While  his  brother 
Lolulomai  is  really  the  chief  of  the  village,  the  two  brothers,  their  sister  PungflanOmsi  and  certain 
others  of  those  families  are.  in  a  general  way.  called  Kikmongwitu  (chiefs  of  the  village  or  the  houses), 
because  they  are  supposed  to  own  the  village  and  also  the  fields,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  village 
are  all  said  to  be  their  children.  Lomankwaima  is  the  village  cryer  who,  however,  announces 
religious  ceremonies  only.  Koyongainiwa  represents  the  War  chief  {kalehtaktnongwi).  They 
belong  to  the  Bear,  Reed  and  Badger  clans  respectively.  These  three  men,  the  leader  or  head  of  the 
Parrot  clan  and  t\i&  pipmongwi  (Tobacco  chief)  of  the  Soyal  society  (who  belongs  to  the  Tobacco 
and  Rabbit  clans)  are  often  called  momngwilu  (chiefs)  and  seem  to  take  the  position  of  assistant 
chiefs  to  the  head  chief.  On  the  eighth  day  and  during  the  following  night  of  the  Soyal  ceremony 
they  play  a  conspicuous  part  in  certain  ceremonies  (see  "  The  Oraibi  Soyal  Ceremony,"  p.  45*/  seq.) 

7.  This  is  addressed  to  the  three  chiefs,  Shokhungyoma,  Lomankwaima  and  Koyongainiwa. 

8.  Meaning  those  that  are  now  to  go  through  the  ordeal  of  this  initiation. 

9.  Referring  to  the  first  dawning  of  the  day  and  to  the  brighter  dawn  just  before  sunrise, 
between  which  the  Hopi  make  a  difference  and  which  they  mention  in  certain  songs. 

10.  The  crook  {ngotdshhoya)  is  with  the  Hopi  the  symbol  of  life,  and  where  a  series  of  crooks 
are  represented  as  here  on  the  line,  emanating  from  the  sipapu  on  the  sand  mosaic,  they  represent 
the  various  stages  of  life,  the  shortest  one  old  age,  when,  as  the  Hopi  say,  man  becomes  very  small 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNiyfRSITVofllilNCWS 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.    LXIl 


Flogging  Katcinas  at  the  Kiva. 


Pl.  LXII.    Flogging  Katcinas  at  the  Kiva. 


a.  Ho  Katcina  running  around  the  kiva. 

b.  Hahai-i  or  Angwushnacomtaka  entering  the  kiva. 


.»V(>1 


m- 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  103 

As  soon  as  Muyingwa  has  finished  his  talk,  he  goes  through  the 
crowd  and  puts  a  little  water  from  the  mongwikuru  first  into  his  hand 
and  from  there  on  the  heads  of  the  little  candidates,  which  act  resem- 
bles very  much  that  of  baptism.  When  he  is  through  with  this  he 
leaves  the  kiva,  goes  over  to  the  Honani  kiva,  where  he  divests  him- 
self of  his  ceremonial  attire,  sits  down  near  the  fireplace  and  smokes. 
Shortly  before  he  leaves  the  kiva  the  four  boys,  dressed  as  Koyemsi 
Katcinas,  emerge  from  the  aforementioned  enclosure  in  the  southeast 
corner  of  the  kiva,  go  around  the  small  mosaic  four  times,  and  then 
each  one  takes  a  position  on  one  of  the  four  sides  of  the  mosaic,  the 
last  one  in  the  line  of  the  north,  the  second  last  on  the  west,  the  third 
ori  the  south  and  the  fourth  one  on  the  east  side.  The  Katcina  on  the 
north  side  now  picks  up  the  corn  lying  before  him  with  one  hand,  the 
celt  with  the  other,  reaches  with  both  around  the  strings  of  beads  and 
feathers  that  are  hanging  over  the  mosaic,  exchanges  the  corn  ear  and 
celt  from  one  hand  to  the  other,  goes  and  touches  every  candidate 
with  them  and  then  replaces  them  on  the  floor.  The  three  other  Katcinas 
do  the  same  with  the  objects  on  the  sides  on  which  they  are  standing. 
When  they  are  through  they  retire  to  the  enclosure  and  all  now 
await  in  silence  the  things  that  are  to  come.  The  dreaded  moment 
which  the  candidates  have  so  often  been  told  about  and  of  which  they 
stand  in  such  great  fear  has  arrived.  They  are  about  to  go  through 
the  ordeal  of  being  flogged.  Presently  a  loud  grunting  noise,  a  rat- 
tling of  turtle  shell  rattles  and  a  jingling  of  bells  is  heard  outside.  The 
two  Ho  Katcinas  and  the  Hahai-i  have  arrived  at  the  kiva  (PI.  LXII). 
They  first  run  around  the  kiva  four  times  at  a  rapid  rate,  then  dance 
on  each  side  of  the  kiva  a  little  while,  beat  the  roof  of  the  kiva  with 
whips,  jump  on  it,  constantly  howling  the  word  u'huhuhu  and  finally 
enter  the  kiva.  The  two  Ho  Katcinas  take  a  position  on  the  east  and 
west  side  of  the  large  sand  mosaic,  the  Hahai-i  at  its  southeast  cor- 
ner, the  latter  holding  a  supply  of  whips.  The  children  tremble  and 
some  begin  to  cry  and  to  scream.  The  Ho  Katcinas  keep  up  their 
grunting,  howling,  rattling,  trampling  and  brandishing  of  their  yucca 
whips.      All  at  once  someone  places  a  candidate  on  the  sand  mosaic, 

and  only  needs  a  short  staff  for  fiis  support.  Not  to  "  die,"  but  to  "  fall  asleep  "  of  old  age,  is  one 
of  the  fondest  hopes  of  every  Hopi.  And  the  wish  that  this  hope  may  be  realized  is  here  expressed. 
While  the  soul  of  the  dead  is  supposed  to  travel  -west-ward  to  masski  (Skeleton  house)  towards 
which  a  piihtavi  (road- maker,  consisting  of  an  eagle  feather  with  cotton  strings')  points  the  way, 
Wi^-wayo)  life  /(?/«^j  <?ai/ towards  the  "white  dawn"  and  the  "yellow  dawn"  and  the  "rising 
sun  ".  In  various  ceremonies  the  author  saw  priests  bury  a  piihtavi  from  twelve  to  fifteen  feet 
long  on  the  east  side  of  the  mesa  pointing  towards  the  east,  and  sometimes  they  all  slowly  walk 
along  this  line,  all,  they  say.  as  a  wish  or  prayer  that  the  Hopi  may  walk  on  the  good  road  or  lead  a 
straight,  upright  life.  The  Qaqol  sing  a  pretty  little  song  on  that  occasion  to  the  white  and  the 
yellow  "dawn,"  which  they  repeat  on  the  main  trail  that  leads  from  the  village  eastward  and  which 
is  sometimes  also  called  "  the  way  of  life  "  that  leads  to  the  far  east  where  the  sun  rises. 


I04       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

holds  his  (or  her)  hands  upward  and  one  of  the  Ho  Katcinas  whips 
the  little  victim  quite  severely  (see  PL  LXIII).  It  is  said  that  four 
strokes  are  supposed  to  be  applied,  but  the  Katcinas  do  not  always 
strictly  adhere  to  this  rule.  The  girls  have  their  usual  dress  on,  but 
the  boys  are  entirely  nude.  The  persons  holding  them  are  also  nude 
except  for  a  scant  loin  cloth,  and  they  wear  their  hair  loose,  as  is 
customary  in  all  Hopi  sacred  ceremonies.  When  one  child  has  been 
flogged  another  one  is  at  once  brought  forward  and  beaten  and  then 
another  and  so  on  until  all  have  gone  through  the  ordeal.  One  is 
flogged  by  one  Katcina,  the  next  one  by  the  other,  the  two  Katcinas 
constantly  changing  about.  When  a  whip  is  worn  out  it  is  handed 
to  the  Hahai-i  Katcina  who  exchanges  it  for  a  fresh  one.  Some  of  the 
children  go  through  the  process  with  set  teeth  and  without  flinching, 
others  squirm,  try  to  jump  away  and  scream.  Occasionally  a 
"sponsor,"  pitying  his  little  ward,  presents  his  own  hip,  snatching 
the  child  away,  and  receives  a  part  of  the  flogging  in  the  child's  stead, 
in  which  case,  however,  the  flogging  is  usually  very  severe. 

With  the  crying  and  screaming  of  the  candidates  men  and  women 
mingle  their  voices,  some  encouraging  them,  others  accusing  the 
Katcinas  of  partiality,  claiming  that  they  whip  some  harder  than 
others  ;  in  short,  pandemonium  reigns  in  the  kiva  during  this  exciting 
half  hour.  But  the  scene  has  not  only  its  exciting,  but  also  its  dis- 
gusting features.  As  the  whips  are  quite  long  they  frequently  extend 
around  the  leg  or  hip  of  the  little  nude  boys  in  such  a  manner  that 
the  points  strike  the  pudibilia,  and  the  author  noticed  on  several  occa- 
sions that  the  boys,  when  being  placed  on  the  sand  mosaic,  were 
warned  to  protect  those  parts,  which  they  tried  to  do  by  either  quickly 
freeing  one  hand  and  pushing  the  pudenda  between  the  legs  or  by 
partly  crossing  the  legs.  It  was  also  noticed  on  several  occasions 
that  some  of  the  boys,  probably  as  a  result  of  fear  and  pain,  invol- 
untarily micturated  and  in  one  or  two  cases  even  defecated. 

When  all  the  children  have  been  flogged  the  Hahai-i  Katcina  steps 
on  the  sand  mosaic,  bends  forward,  raises  the  ceremonial  blanket  and 
is  then  severely  flogged  by  both  Katcinas,  after  which  the  two  latter 
apply  a  thorough  scourging  to  each  other  in  the  same  manner,  to  the 
great  satisfaction  of  the  little  novitiates  who  have  just  been  so  cruelly 
treated  by  these  two  personages.  The  Katcina  chief  then  hands  his 
baho  and  some  corn-meal  to  one  of  the  Ho  Katcinas  ;  his  assistant 
hands  the  same  to  each  of  the  other  two,  whereupon  the  three  Kat- 
cinas leave  the  kiva.  Outside  they  run  around  the  kiva  four  times  in 
the  same  manner  as  before,  again  making  a  great  deal  of  noise,  during 
which  the  Hahai-i  snatches  the  natsi  from  its  stand.      All  then  leave 


Pu.  LXIII.     Flogging  a  Child. 


The  scene  illustrated  by  this  plate  is  fully  explained  in  the  text. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM- 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.    LXIII. 


Flogging  a  Child, 


tJBBARY 

OFTH£ 

UHlVERSlTYofH-UNOIS. 


Dec.  1901.        The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  105 

the  kiva  and  the  village  towards  the  north,  where  they  deposit  the 
prayer  offerings  and  divest  themselves  of  their  paraphernalia  behind 
some  rock  and  then  repair  to  the  Honani  kiva,  bringing  their  cos- 
tumes with  them,  wrapped  up  in  blankets. 

After  the  Katcinas  have  left  the  kiva,  Shokhungyoma,  Lomankwa- 
ima  and  Koyongainiwa  speak  a  few  words  to  the  novitiates,  charging 
them  not  to  reveal  anything  of  what  they  have  seen  and  heard  in  the 
kiva,  whereupon  the  Katcina  chief  and  then  all  the  others  leave  the 
kiva  and  go  to  their  respective  homes  except  those  who  participate  in 
the  Powamu  ceremony,  who  go  to  the  Honani  kiva.  A  few  of  the  old 
men  remain  and  sweep  up  the  remains  of  the  sand  mosaic,  wrap  up 
and  take  away  the  beads,  feathers,  etc.,  and  then  also  go  to  the 
Honani  kiva  where  all  first  indulge  in  a  smoke  around  the  fireplace 
and  then  partake  of  a  supper.  The  usual  evening  ceremony  is  on  this 
occasion  suspended. 

Those  who  have  been  initiated  as  just  described  may  now  learn 
the  Katcina  songs,  know  their  traditions  and  in  fact  all  the  secrets 
connected  with  the  Katcina  cult  and  may  act  as  Katcinas.  But  they 
can  not  act  as  naamu  (fathers)  of  the  Katcinas,  /.  e.  lead  them  to  the 
plaza,  sprinkle  them  with  meal,  make  prayer  offerings  for  them,  etc. 
That  is  the  prerogative  of  the  Popwamu  (members  of  the  Powamu 
fraternity). 

There  is  a  tradition  among  the  Hopi  that  this  flogging  ceremony 
was  not  always  a  part  of  the  Powamu  ceremony.  It  is  stated  that  on 
one  occasion  a  boy  who  had  been  initiated  into  the  Powamu  fraternity 
had  revealed  the  secrets  that  he  had  seen  and  heard.  A*  council  of 
the  leaders  of  the  fraternity  was  at  once  called  and  the  question  dis- 
cussed as  to  what  to  do  about  it.  All  urged  that  a  severe  punish- 
ment be  inflicted  upon  the  perpetrator.  Only  the  kalehtakmongwi 
(Warrior  chief),  now  represented  by  Koyongainiwa,  remained  silent. 
After  having  been  asked  four  times  by  the  others  as  to  his  opinion 
about  the  matter,  he  first  also  expressed  his  displeasure  at  the  occur- 
rence and  then  suggested  that  the  boy  be  flogged  before  all  the  other 
novitiates  by  Katcinas  as  a  punishment  and  as  a  warning  to  the  rest. 
This  was  done,  and  the  custom  was  continued.  While  a  good  deal 
of  obscurity  exists  in  the  tradition  as  to  the  details  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  custom  became  a  part  of  the  Powamu  ceremony,  etc.,  it  is 
stated  in  a  general  way  that  forever  after  the  members  of  the  family  to 
which  that  boy  belonged  and  their  descendants  were  initiated  into  the 
Katcina  society  in  the  manner  described  in  the  preceding  pages. 


io6        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

Seventh  Day.     (Sixth  Day  of  the  People.) 

In  the  morning  as  well  as  in  the  evening  the  usual  ceremony 
takes  place  before  the  altar,  consisting  of  singing,  asperging,  smok- 
ing, sprinkling  of  sacred  meal,  etc.,  as  already  described.  The  two 
tablets  with  the  pictures  of  the  Ho  Katcinas  and  the  lightning  frame, 
that  are  put  up  only  on  the  occasion  of  an  initiation,  are  not  taken 
down,  but  remain  throughout  the  ceremony. 

During  the  day  nothing  of  any  ceremonial  character  takes  place,  /.  e. , 
outside  of  the  morning  and  evening  ceremony  already  mentioned.  The 
men  in  the  kiva  work  during  the  day  between  the  two  ceremonies  on 
the  bows,  rattles  and  hVius  that  are  prepared  in  this  and  all  other  kivas 
to  be  given  as  presents  to  the  children  on  the  morning  of  the  last  day. 

Smoking  is  being  indulged  in  more  or  less  throvighout  the  day 
and  the  fasting  is  observed  the  same  as  on  the  two  previous  days,  no 
one  eating  any  meat  or  salted  food  and  the  two  leaders  partaking  of 
one  meal  only,  which  is  brought  to  them  late  in  the  evening  and 
usually  consists  oi  piki  (thin  wafer  bread),  which  is  brought  in  on  four 
flat,  square  trays,  a  dish  of  beans  and  water  (pongawd)  in  four  bowls 
of  the  same  size,  and  almost  any  kind  of  food,  but  none  with  salt, 
and  no  meats.  A  mush  of  corn-meal  and  water  (tvotakd)  is  always 
also  brought  in  on  four  small  round  trays,  but  I  am  told  that  this  is 
not  eaten  by  the  two  chief  priests  but  by  the  others  in  the  kiva. 
Usually  this  also  forms  a  part  of  the  food  of  the  leaders  when  they 
fast.  Why  not  in  this  case  I  have  thus  far  been  unable  to  learn.  All 
the  participants  sleep  in  the  kiva  throughout  the  ceremony. 


Eighth  Day.     (Seventh  Day  of  the  People.) 

In  the  morning  the  usual  ceremony  takes  place,  the  natsi  of 
course  being  put  up  first  as  on  all  the  previous  days.  These  morning 
ceremonies  usually  commence  at  about  half-past  four  in  the  morning 
and  last  about  an  hour  and  a  half.*  Between  the  conclusion  of  the  cere- 
mony and  breakfast  there  is  usually  a  short  interval  during  which  the 
men  smoke,  gossip,  doze,  etc.  Then  breakfast  is  served,  being  brought 
to  the  kiva  by  the  mothers,  wives  and  daughters  of  the  participants. 
The  fast  is  at  an  end  on  the  evening  of  this  day  so  that  at  the  end  of 
the  evening  meal  any  kind  of  food  may  be  eaten.      Soon  after  break- 

*It  cannot  be  stated  that  to  be  "  on  hand  "  in  the  kiva  from  day  to  day  at  such  an  early  hour 
is  an  especially  enjoyable  occupation,  particularly  at  that  season  of  the  year  and  as  the  "  air  "  in 
the  kiva  in  which  the  men  stay  day  and  night  is.  never  of  the  purest  kind,  and  the  fire-wood  is  some- 
times damp  and  the  kiva  consequently  often  full  of  smoke. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  107 

fast  the  messenger  usually  returns  that  was-  sent  to  Ki'shiwuu  for  pine 
branches  and  water  on  a  previous  day.*  He  first  leaves  a  few  twigs 
in  the  Pongovi  kiva  where  the  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcinas  are  pre- 
paring their  masks,  etc.,  on  this  day  for  use  on  the  next  morning, 
and  then  takes  the  remainder  to  the  Honani  kiva.  He  is  met  with 
acclamations  of  joy  and  many  a  ^'■kwakiuai  um  pito^'  (thanks,  you  have 
come).  The  following  little  purification  ceremony  has, been  observed 
only  once  :  While  the  messenger  stood  east  of  the  ladder  the  Powamu 
priest  received  from  him  the  twigs,  the  tnong7c>ikuru,  eagle  feather  and 
bone  whistle  and  placed  them  on  the  floor  north  of  the  fireplace.  He 
then  took  some  ashes  in  his  left  hand  and  from  this  a  small  pinch 
between  his  right  thumb  and  forefinger.  He  stepped  before  the  mes- 
senger, who  had  sat  down  east  of  and  close  to  the  ladder,  and  hum- 
ming a  short  song  circled  the  right  hand  over  the  messenger's  head 
several  times  and  threw  the  ashes  towards  the  hatchway.  He  then 
took  another  pinch  of  ashes  from  the  left  hand  and  repeated  the  per- 
formance. This  he  did  four  times,  whereupon  he  told  the  young  man 
to  stand  up  and  then  stroked  his  body  and  limbs,  held  his  own  hands 
palms  upward  before  himself  and  blew  across  them  towards  the  hatch- 
way. This  he  also  repeated  several  times.  The  pipe  lighter  had  in 
the  meanwhile  gotten  some  tokamsi  (  Delphinium  scaposum  ),  put  it 
into  a  bowl  and  poured  some  water  over  it.  Of  this  emetic  the  mes- 
senger drank  a  large  quantity,  placed  the  bowl  on  the  floor,  bent  over 
it  and  by  irritating  his  pharynx  with  his  finger  produced  a  very 
thorough  emesis  into  the  bowl.  The  Powamu  priest  put  a  little  honey 
into  the  mongwikuru  and  on  the  long  feather  which  the  young  man  had 
brought  back  and  then  all  waited  in  profound  silence  until  the  young 
man  was  through  vomiting.  While  the  boy  carried  out  the  bowl, 
pipes  were  lit  and  all  smoked,  the  Powamu  priest  smoking  first  and 
then  handing  the  pipe  to  the  messenger.  All  exchanged  terms  of 
relationship.  When  they  were  through  the  Katcina  priest  sprinkled 
some  corn-meal  on  the  objects  over  which  they  had  smoked,  spat  some 
honey  on  them,  and  out  of  the  hatchway,  and  rubbed  some  honey  on 
the  stubs  of  the  twigs  and  the  rim  of  the  mongwikuru.  The  Powamu 
priest  then  asked  the  messenger  to  relate  the  experiences  of  his  trip, 
which  he  did  in  the  minutest  manner,  stating  where  they  traveled, 
whom  they  met  on  the  way,  how  these  were  dressed,  what  they  spoke 
with  them  and  where  they  went,  what  they  carried,  etc.  He  further 
stated  where  they  camped,  where  they  found  snow,  where  the  trail 
was  muddy,  where  they  deposited  the  prayer  offerings,  got  the  twigs. 


♦Usually  some  one  accompanies  the  messenger.     They  leave  on  any  of  the  previous  cere- 
monial days,  but  early  enough  to  be  back   by  the  eighth  day. 
I 


io8        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

etc.,  etc.  All  listened  very  attentively,  with  the  exception  of  one 
man,  Lomanimtiwa,  who  made  a  baho  to  be  placed  into  a  hole  south 
of  the  kiva  during  the  following  night.  This  hole  is  called  /5a/«/(well 
or  cistern).  When  the  messenger  had  told  his  story  the  objects  were 
placed  before  the  altar,  the  mongwikuru  in  front  of  Cotukvnangwu, 
the  rest  west  of  the  Katcina  tiponi  (mother). 

After  this  the  men  go  to  work  on  the  presents  for  the  children 
again.  One,  however,  is  sent  to  Pakavi,  a  large  spring  about  four 
miles  north  of  Oraibi,  for  a  branch  oi  pikwashovt,  aspecies  of  cotton- 
wood,  a  sapling  of  which  is  said  to  have  been  brought  from  Ki'shiwuu 
long  ago  and  planted  at  Pakavi,  from  which  by  this  time  several  large 
trees  have  sprung  up.  The  branch  is  placed  east  of  the  altar.  At 
about  noon  the  Powamu  priest  makes  three  bahos,  one  stick  of  which 
is  green,  the  other  black,  the  green  one  being  the  female.  These 
bahos  are  placed  in  front  of  the  altar  for  use  on  the  next  morning, 
when  one  is  given  each  to  the  Hahai-i,  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcina,  if  I 
am  not  mistaken,  and  four  hawk  and  eight  turkey  nakwakwosis,  the 
latter  to  be  taken  to  a  spring  in  the  afternoon.  All  these  were  also 
placed  near  the  altar.  He  then  repaints  and  dresses  the  mask  of  the 
Hahai-i,  or  Angwushnacomtaka  Katcina,  first  scraping  off  the  old 
paint.  The  pipe-lighter  fills  a  reed  with  native  tobacco  and  ties  up 
with  yucca  some  dry  cedar  bark  into  a  fuse,  the  first  being  called 
chongotna,  the  latter  kopichoki  (see  PI.  XL).  Both  are  also  placed  at 
the  altar  to  be  used  the  next  morning.  Soon  after  dinner  one  of  the 
men  is  sent  to  a  spring  northeast  of  the  village  after  water.  He  takes 
with  him  a  hikvsi  or  piitavi  (road  marker)  and  the  aforementioned 
eight  nakwakwosis,  a  mongwikuru,  a  bone  whistle  {totokpi)  and  some 
corn-meal.  I  followed  the  messenger  on  one  occasion  and  made  the 
following  observations  :  Arriving  at  the  spring,  which  is  half  way 
down  the  mesa,  he  first  blew  the  bone  whistle  four  times.  Then, 
after  having  uttered  a  short  prayer,  he  deposited  four  of  the  eight 
nakwakwosis*  in  a  rock  niche  near  the  spring,  then  sprinkled  sacred 
meal  into  the  spring  from  the  six  ceremonial  directions  and  then 
dipped  a  little  water  with  the  mongwikuru,  six  times,  I  believe,  pour- 
ing it  on  the  ground  near  the  spring  in  order,  he  said,  to  induce  the 
clouds  to  bring  more  water,  and  then  filled  the  vessel.  Coming  up 
from  the  spring,  he  placed  the  hikvsi  2)aovX  six  yards  from  the  spring 
on  the  trail,  and  sprinkled  a  line  of  meal  from  the  spring  over 
the  hikvsi  towards  the  village  (so  that  the  rain,  he  said,  when 
coming  to  the  spring,  might  also  go  to  the  village),  and  then  returned 

*M  y  notes  fail  to  state  what  he  did  with  the  remaining  four  nakwakwosis,  but  my  recollection 
is  that  he  placed  them  with  the  hikvst  on  the  trail. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  109 

to  the  kiva,  where  the  Powamu  priest  placed  the  vessel  and  the 
whistle  near  the  altar. 

At  about  three  o'clock  the  last  evening  ceremony  takes  place, 
which  is  exactly  the  same  as  the  other  days.  As  soon  as  this  is  con- 
cluded the  altar  is  dismantled  and  the  various  parts  tied  up  in 
bundles,*  the  men  take  off  their  nakwaita  (the  feather  that  they  have 
tied  to  the  hair  during  the  ceremonies)  and  place  them  near  the  fire- 
place. They  are  later  deposited  in  a  shrine  about  one  hundred  yards 
south  of  the  village  called  Homolovi. 

After  the  altar  has  been  taken  down  all  who  have  participated  in 
the  ceremony  assemble  in  the  kiva,  take  off  the  left  moccasin,  form 
in  a  semicircle  around  the  fireplace  and  each  one  takes  some  ashes  in 
his  left  hand.  The  Powamu  priest  takes  an  eagle  wing  feather  in  his 
left  and  some  ashes  in  his  right  hand,  sprinkling  some  of  the  ashes 
on  the  feather  and  beats  time  with  it  to  the  singing  of  the  nawohchi 
tawi  (purification  or  discharming  song)  in  which  all  join.  This  song 
has  six  verses,  and  at  the  end  of  each  verse  the  Powamu  priest 
brushes  the  ashes  from  the  feather  towards  the  hatchway,  all  the 
others  circling  their  right  hand  before  themselves  and  throwing  the 
ashes,  which  they  hold  between  the  thumb  and  forefinger,  and  also  at 
the  same  time  spitting  in  the  same  direction.  After  the  sixth  time 
they  all  beat  and  rub  off  the  ashes  from  their  hands  and  bodies,  blow 
the  ashes  from  their  hands  and  they  are  then  considered  to  be  puri- 
fied of  the  peculiar  charm  or  "taboo"  of  the  Popwamu.f  A  sumptu- 
ous supper,  in  which  they  may  now  partake  of  any  kind  of  food 
again,  follows,  and  after  a  general  smoke  the  tired  participants  in  the 
ceremony  take  a  short  rest  to  gather  strength  for  the  Powamu  dance 
that  takes  place  during  the  following  night  and  in  which  almost  the 
entire  village  participates. 

♦The  sand  ridge,  the  four  natsi  sticks,  the  bahos  and  the  medicine  bowl  remain  until  the 
following  day. 

tEvery  secret  order  among  the  Hopi  has  its  special  punishment  which  is  supposed  to  be 
visited  upon  any  uninitiated  who  should  happen  to  see  any  of  the  sacred  things  belonging  to  that 
order,  especially  the  altar,  or  be  charmed  or  influenced  by  any  of  the  members  while  they  are 
"taboo.  "The  punishment  or  special  charm  of  the  Snake  order  is  a  swelling,  especially  of  the  abdo- 
men, that  of  the  Soyal  order  sore  ears,  of  the  OaqOltu  a  horn-like  swelling  on  top  of  the  head,  of  the 
Mamzrautu  deafness,  the  Lalakontu  a  peculiar  eczema  on  the  upper  part  of  the  body,  of  the  Aahltu 
a  twisting  and  twitching  of  the  face  and  neck,  of  the  Momchitu  a  soreness  in  the  bronchial  tubes 
and  of  the  Popwamu  a  swelling  of  the  knee-pan  (tatKotspdltingivu)  and  contraction  of  the  tendons 
about  the  knee.  These  intiictions  may  occur  not  only  during  the  time  when  a  ceremony  is  on,  but 
at  any  time.  The  priest  of  the  particular  order  is  then  called  and  he  is  supposed  to  be  able  to  dis- 
charm the  patient.  Only  a  few  days  ago  an  old  man  in  Oraibi  had  a  sore  knee  and  the  Powamu 
priest  treated  it  by  applying  hot  stones  and  singing  over  it  the  nawohchi  tawi  (purifying  or  dis- 
charming song),  which  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  this  paper  (see  p.  148). 


no        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol,   III. 

Ninth   Day  (Eighth  Day  of  the  People). 

At  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  inhabitants  of  the  vil- 
lage begin  to  stir.  In  all  the  kivas  where  beans  have  been  planted 
they  are  pulled  and  taken  to  the  houses  before  the  smaller  children 
get  awake.  Small  bunches  are  often  tied  to  the  presents  to  be  given 
to  the  children  at  sunrise.  The  earth  in  which  the  beans  were  grown 
is  emptied  into  holes  that  were  dug  a  few  yards  from  the  kiva  during 
the  night.  It  is  said  the  children  who  are  not  yet  members  of  the 
Katcina  fraternity  must  not  see  this  earth. 

In  the  Honani  kiva  the  priests  also  get  up  at  about  four  o'clock 
and  at  once  prepare  for  the  ceremonies  to  take  place  later  in  the 
morning.  The  Powamu  chief  places  on  a  tray  four  small  twigs  of  the 
Pikwashovi  obtained  at  Pakavi  the  previous  day  and  four  twigs  of  the 
pine  branch  from  Ki'shiwuu;  some  small  bunches  of  beans  and  of 
young  corn  of  each  that  he  had  planted  in  his  kiva  ;  four  old  eagle 
wing  feathers  ;  a  bone  whistle  ;  a  mongwikuru,  and  the  four  double 
bahos*  made  on  the  previous  day.  After  having  put  some  honey  into 
the  mongiatkuru,  he  and  a  few  others  smoke  over  the  tray. 

Meanwhile,  the  man  who  is  to  act  the  part  of  the  Hahai-i  or 
Angwushnacomtaka  Katcina  has  put  on  a  large  ceremonial  blanket 
itoi-hi)  in  the  form  of  a  woman's  dress,  hung  another  toi-hi  over  his 
shoulders  as  a  blanket,  put  on  pioccasins  and  a  knotted  belt,  wrapped 
a  fox  skin  around  his  hands  (to  take  the  pl^ce  of  gloves),  and,  wrap- 
ping himself  in  a  large  man's  blanket,  he  takes  the  mask  under  the 
blanket  and  proceeds  to  a  shrine,  called  Shookamutspikvi,  which  is 
located  about  one-eighth  of  a  mile  north  of  the  village.  The  Powamu 
priest  takes  the  tray  with  the  objects  just  described  under  his 
blanket  and  goes  to  the  same  place. 

While  these  preparations  are  going  on  in  the  kiva  of  the  Pop- 
wamu  the  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcina  have  also  gotten  ready  in  the 
Pongovi  kiva.  Both  have  tied  up  five  small  bv.  ches  of  young  green 
corn  which  they  have  grown  there  and  to  which  they  have  added  some 
small  twigs  of  the  pine  branch  brought  from  Ki'shiwuu.  The  masks 
had  been  prepared  the  previous  day.  The  Aholi  paints  his  body  as 
follows  :  Both  upper  arms,  the  sternum,  abdomen,  back  and  legs 
down  to  the  knees,  bright  red.  The  left  shoulder  and  breast,  right 
arm  and  lower  part  of  the  right  leg,  and  a  narrow  band  or  ring  above 
the  right  knee  and  a  similar  band  below  the  left  knee,  yellow.  The 
right  shoulder  and  breast,  lower  arm,  lower  part  of  the  left  leg  and  a 
band  above  the  left  and  one  below  the  right  knee,  blue.      Having  put 

*On  one  occasion  I  noticed  only  four  nakwakwosis. 


.     LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILUNCHS 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.   LXIV. 


Katcinas  at  the  MONANI  Kiva. 


Pl.  LXIV.    Katcinas  at  the  Honani  Kiva. 


a.    Hahai-i  and  Aototo  waiting  for  the  prayer  offerings. 

d.     Aototo  and  Aholi  waiting  for  the  prayer  offerings.     Both   scenes    take 
place  early  in  the  morning. 


■jAt,}     oiij  j^     iljKi       ..'">!:  I- 


ImoA  bas  l-'tBtiBH     .a 
lUutvN  iloriA  bns  oioioJk     .^ 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  iii 

on  a  part  of  their  costume,  which  will  be  described  later,  they  take 
their  masks  and  other  paraphernalia  under  their  blankets  and  repair 
to  the  Kwan  (Agave)  kiva,  where  they  dress  up  fully  and  then  wait 
until  the  proper  time  arrives  for  them  to  commence  their  perform- 
ances. But  what  is  going  on  at  the  shrine  north  of  the  village?  The 
Hahai-i,  having  arrived  at  the  shrine,  takes  a  position  on  the  east  side 
of  it,  his  face  being  turned  towards  the  village,  and  utters  at  short 
intervals  sounds  something  like  these  :  Hu  (long  drawn)  hu-hu-hu-hu- 
hu.  As  it  is  usually  dark  yet,  he  does  not  put  on  the  mask  until 
ready  to  start  to  the  village. 

The  Powamu  priest,  when  arriving  at  the  shrine,  at  once  places 
a  baho,  the  four  ndkwakwosis  and  some  sacred  meal  in  the  shrine,  and 
sprinkles  meal  from  the  east  side  towards  the  shrine  and  then  towards 
the  village.  He  then  takes  a  little  honey  into  his  mouth  and  ejects 
it  towards  the  cardinal  points,  which  is  called  feeding  the  clouds. 
Going  a  few  paces  towards  the  village,  he  sprinkles  with  sacred  meal 
a  cloud  symbol  on  the  trail,  which  consists  of  three  semicircles  from 
which  are  drawn  four  lines  of  meal  in  the  direction  of  the  village. 
Upon  this  symbol  he  places  a  hikvsi.  After  making  another  similar 
symbol  about  twenty  paces  farther  towards  the  village,  he  hands  the 
tray  to  the  Katcina,  who,  in  the  meanwhile,  has  put  on  the  mask,  and 
then,  after  having  uttered  a  brief  prayer,  returns  to  the  kiva,  where 
he  and  some  of  the  other  men  smoke  and  talk,  some  of  the  latter  also 
making  naktaakwosis,  until  the  Katcina  arrives  in  the  village.  The 
latter  slowly  follows  the  trail  to  the  village,  blowing  the  bone  whistle 
and  uttering  the  long  drawn  "/?« — hu—huhuhu''  every  few  minutes. 
Entering  the  village  at  the  northeast  corner,  he  makes  his  way  along 
one  street  to  the  plaza,  where  the  stop  he  makes  is  somewhat  longer 
than  usual.  Occasionally  women  and  children  will  approach  the 
Katcina,  sprinkle  a  pinch  of  sacred  meal  on  him  and  take  a  small 
sprig  of  the  green  corn  or  the  pine  lying  in  the  tray.  As  soon  as  the 
Powamu  priest,  is  informed  in  the  kiva  that  the  Katcina  has  reached 
the  plaza,  he  squats  down  before  the  altar  and  begins  to  sing,  accom- 
panying himself  with  a  rattle,  the  other  men  continuing  to  smoke  and 
to  make  nakwakwosis.  On  one  occasion  I  noticed ,  that  one  of  the 
men  removed  the  hatchway  covering  and  swept  around  the  kiva  at 
this  time.  This  is  done  on  every  occasion,  but  was  specially  observed 
on  this  occasion  only.  From  the  plaza  the  Hahai-i  slowly  moves 
along  another  street  to  the  Honani  kiva,  where  he  takes  a  position 
on  the  east  side,  still  uttering  those  sounds  at  short  intervals,  and 
holding  the  tray  in  front  of  himself. 

While  the  Hahai-i  is  thus  waiting  at  the  Honani  kiva  (see  PI. 


112        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 

LXI\  a),  the  Aototo  and  Aholi,  who,  as  has  already  been  mentioned, 
were  awaiting  in  the  Kwan  kiva,  emerge  and  also  slowly  make  their 
way  to  the  kiva  where  the  Hahai-i  is  standing.  The  Aototo  is  dressed 
in  the  ordinary  sash  and  kilt,  over  which,  however,  he  wears  an  old 
shirt  made  of  white  native  cloth  and  embroidered  on  the  sleeves  and 
lower  border  with  peculiar  designs  of  cloud,  plant  and  blossom  sym- 
bols. Over  this  he  wears  a  folded  white  ceremonial  blanket  (owa) 
and  over  this  again  a  bandoleer  of  dark  blue  yarn.  The  legs  are 
dressed  in  knitted  cotton  leggings  and  on  the  feet  he  wears  green 
moccasins.  The  mask,  which  is  very  plain,  is  made  of  native  cloth 
and  is  daubed  white.  To  its  lower  edge  a  fox  skin  is  tied  and  to  the 
top  a  few  small  eagle's  feathers.  In  the  right  hand  he  holds  a  bag 
with  sacred  meal,  in  the  left  a  mongko/io,  mongwikuru.,  and  small 
bunches  of  the  green  corn  that  has  been  grown  in  the  kiva.  The 
Aholi  is  dressed  in  the  regular  Katcina  kilt  and  sash,  a  woman's  sash, 
and  moccasins.  Over  the  shoulders  he  wears  an  old  blanket  made  of 
native  cotton  cloth  on  which  are  drawn  designs  of  clouds  and  other 
unidentified  objects.  In  the  center  is  a  large  drawing  of  the  mythical 
being  that  has  been  observed  on  different  ceremonial  objects.  The 
head  is  human,  the  body  that  of  a  large  bird.  I  have  made  strong 
efforts  to  get  permission  to  photograph  this  rare  piece  of  ceremonial 
costume,  but  without  success.  In  the  right  hand  the  Aholi  holds  a 
stick,  to  the  upper  end  of  which  six  makwanpis  are  attached.  This 
stick  is  about  four  feet  long  and  is  called  rupsi.  It  is  the  property  of 
the  kikmongwi  (Village  chief)  and  is  also  used  in  the  flute  ceremony  of 
the  Drab  Flute  Society.  The  mask  of  the  Aholi  is  also  rather  plain. 
It  is  made  of  yucca  leaves  and  covered  with  native  cotton  cloth.  To 
the  lower  edge  is  tied  a  fox  skin,  while  to  the  apex  are  fastened  a 
number  of  feathers  of  various  kinds  and  to  the  sides  a  blossom  sym- 
bol. In  the  left  hand  he  holds  a  mongkoJio,  mongwikuru,  a  brass  bell, 
a  bag  with  sacred  meal,  and  five  small  bunches  of  green  corn.  (PI. 
LXV.) 

About  half  way  between  the  Kwan  and  Honani  kivas  these  two 
Katcinas  stop,  the  Aototo  makes  a  cloud  symbol  on  the  ground  and 
then  silently  waits  while  the  Aholi  places  the  lower  end  of  the  stick  or 
standard  before  described  on  the  symbol  and  utters  a  peculiar,  high- 
pitched  sound,  circling  at  the  same  time  the  upper  end  of  the  standard 
two  times  slowly  from  right  to  left.  He  then  turns  face  about  and 
repeats  the  performance.  Both  then  proceed  to  a  place,  about  ten 
paces  south  of  the  Honani  kiva,  where  during  the  night  a  member  of 
the  Bow  clan  has  uncovered  an  opening  in  the  ground  and  deposited 
in  it  a  baho  and  some  corn-meal.     This  opening  is  called  l>atni  and  is 


h;a5,d 


Pl.  LXV.    The  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcinas. 


These  two  Katcinas  are  here  shown  going  through  the  village  and  rubbing 
meal  lines  on  various  houses.  This,  as  well  as  the  costume  of  the  Katcinas  and 
what  they  hold  in  their  hands,  is  fully  explained  in  the  text. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.    LXV. 


The  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcinas. 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  oflLLlNOlS. 


Dec.  igoi.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  113 

about  ten  inches  square  and  twenty  inches  deep.  At  this  batni  the 
Aototo  sprinkles  a  meal  line  from  the  north  side  towards  and  into  the 
batni,  and  then  pours  a  little  water  from  the  mongivikuru  into  the 
opening  from  the  same  side.  This  he  repeats  from  the  west,  south, 
east,  northeast  and  southwest.  He  then  silently  waits  until  the  Aholi 
has  repeated  the  same  performance,  whereupon  both  proceed  to  the 
Honani  kiva,  where  the  Hahai-i  Katcina  had  been  waiting  as  before 
described.  Both  take  a  position  by  the  side  of  the  latter.  (See 
PI.  LXIV  b.)  After  a  few  minutes  the  Aototo  goes  to  the  north 
end  of  the  kiva,  rubs  a  handful  of  sacred  meal  to  the  north  side  of 
the  hatchway  and  then  pours  a  little  water  into  the  kiva,  which  is 
caught  up  in  a  bowl  by  a  man  standing  on  the  ladder.  This  perfor- 
mance he  repeats  from  the  west,  south  and  east  sides  of  the  kiva, 
whereupon  the  Aototo  takes  his  '  place  again  at  the  east  side  of  the 
kiva  and  the  same  performance  is  gone  through  by  the  Aholi  Katcina, 
who  then  also  resumes  his  position  with  the  other  two.  The  men  in 
the  kiva  have  in  the  meanwhile  put  on  their  pitkunas  (ceremonial 
kilts)  and  now  emerge  from  the  kiva  in  the  following  order :  First 
the  pipe-lighter  with  the  reed  cigarette  and  cedar  bark  fuse  already 
described,  then  the  Powamu  chief  with  the  medicine  bowl,  aspergill  and 
a  baho  and  some  sacred  meal,  the  Katcina  chief  with  a  baho  and  some 
meal  and  lastly  the  rest  of  the  participants  in  the  ceremony,  each  one 
having  some  nakwaktvosis  and  sacred  meal.  The  pipe-lighter  smokes 
on  to  the  back  of  the  Katcina  and  hands  some  meal  and  nakwakwosis 
to  him.  The  Powamu  chief  asperges  the  back  of  the  Hahai-i  Katcina 
and  then  takes  from  him  the  tray,  handing  to  him  a  baho  and  some 
meal.  The  Katcina  chief  gives  him  some  meal  and  a  baho  and  all  the 
rest,  after  having  sprinkled  meal  on  his  back,  a  nakwakwosi  and  meal, 
whereupon  the  men  re-enter  the  kiva,  the  Katcina  going  to  the  Kat- 
cina kihu  half  way  down  the  mesa  on  the  west  side  of  the  village,  into 
which  he  places  the  prayer  offerings  and  where  he  disrobes,  wrapping 
up  his  paraphernalia  in  a  blanket,  and  returns  to  the  Honani  kiva, 
shivering  with  cold.  Here  the  priests,  who,  as  was  seen,  entered  the 
kiva  after  the  Hahai-i  had  left,  re-emerge  in  the  same  manner  from 
the  kiva  and  go  through  the  same  performance,  the  Powamu  priest 
alone  giving  a  baho  to  and  taking  a  bunch  of  corn  from  each  with  the 
Aototo  and  the  Aholi  as  they  did  with  the  Hahai-i.  Two  variations 
should  here  be  mentioned  :  First  :  On  several  occasions  it  was 
observed  that  the  Aototo  and  Aholi  did  not  arrive  at  the  kiva  until 
the  Hahai-i  had  left,  on  others  they  were  there  before,  as  described. 
Secondly  :  It  was  noticed  on  one  occasion  that  the  sprinkling  of 
water  on  the  backs  of  the  Katcinas  occurred  before  the  smoking  ;  but 


114        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 

when  asking  the  Katcina  priest  about  this  lately  he  said  that  Siima 
must  have  made  a  mistake,  which  is  not  improbable,  as  that  priest  at 
that  time  was  quite  old  and  feeble. 

While  these  things  have  been  going  on  near  and  around  the 
Honani  kiva,  a  number  of  different  Katcinas  have  emerged  from  the 
various  kivas  and  are  running  through  the  streets,  distributing  to  the 
children  the  bows,  rattles  and  tihus  that  have  been  prepared  in  all  the 
kivas  during  the  preceding  days.*  When  a  Katcina  has  disposed  of 
all  the  presents  entrusted  to  him  he  goes  to  the  Honani  kiva,  is 
treated  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Hahai-i,  Aototo  and  Aholi,  receives 
some  meal  and  a  naktvakwosi  from  each  man  in  the  Honani  kiva  (who 
always  break  off  a  small  sprig  of  cedar  where  such  forms  a  part  of  the 
costume)  and  then  leaves  the  village  on  the  same  trail  on  which  the 
Hahai-i  left  and  deposits  the  prayer  offerings  at  the  same  place. 
These  Katcinas  vary  in  different  years;  some,  however,  being  always 
the  same  ones.  Following  are  some  of  the  Katcinas,  seen  on  these 
occasions  :  the  Hemis,  Koyemsi,  Tassap,  Huuve  (PI.  LXVI  a), 
Anga,  Hehea  and  others.  Often  two  of  the  same  kind  may  be  seen. 
When  the  last  of  the  Katcinas  has  left,  the  men  in  the  kiva  arrange 
themselves  around  the  corn,  beans  and  pine,  obtained  from  the  Kat- 
cinas and  smoke  over  these  objects.  They  are  then  divided  in  as 
many  parts  as  there  are  men  in  the  kiva;  the  Powamu  priest  utters  a 
short  prayer  over  them,  and  then  each  man  takes  his  small  bunch  home.. 
I  am  told  that  these  objects  are  placed  on  the  piles  of  corn  ears  and 
between  the  corn  ears  in  the  houses  as  a  prayer  offering,  but  I 
have  not  personally  observed  that. 

But  we  must  now  follow  the  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcinas  whom  we 
saw  leave  the  kiva  after  having  been  asperged,  smoked  on  and  pre- 
sented with  prayer  offerings.  They  first  go  to  a  house  in  the  north- 
west part  of  the  village,  the  Aototo  leading  the  way  and  constantly 
sprinkling  a  little  sacred  meal  before  the  Aholi.  Before  they  reaoh 
the  house  they  stop  and  the  Aototo  makes  a  cloud  symbol  on  the 
ground  consisting  of  a  line  of  corn-meal,  about  two  feet  long  and  run- 
ning across  the  path,  and  three  lines  of  meal  about  a  foot  long  run- 
ning forward  from  this  cross  line.  The  Aholi  steps  onto  this  symbol, 
shouts  three  times,  slowly  swinging  the  standard,  the  lower  end  of 
which  rests  on  the  ground,  from  right  to  left,  then  turns  around, 
repeats  the  same  performance  and  then  follows  the  Aototo,  who  again 
marks  the  path  with  corn-meal.  Having  arrived  at  the  house,  which 
is  said  to    be  the  birthplace  of  the  man  impersonating  the  Aototo,. 

*The  children  may  then  be  seen  all  day  playing  with  their  presents,  the  girls  proudly  carrying 
their  tihus  on  their  bacics.    (See  PI.  LXVL) 


iJijffhiEib  81931 


VI3U  ei  ain£ii  aril     .aluaoiq 


s  n« 


Pl.  LXVl.     Distributing   Presents. 


a.  Huuve  or  cross-legged  Katcinas  running  through  the  streets  distributing 
presents.  The  name  is  derived  from  the  fact  that  the  Katcina  walks  with  the 
legs  crossing  each  other. 

d.     Little  girl  carrying  tihu  that  has  been  presented  to  her  by  a  Katcina. 


FIELD  COLUMBWN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.    LXVI, 


Distributing  Presents.' 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  115 

and  hence  is  considered  to  be  the  ancestral  home  of  that  Katcina,  the 
Aototo  rubs  four  corn-meal  lines  to  the  wall  of  the, house.  The 
woman  of  the  house  stands  on  the  first  terrace  and  repeatedly  says  : 
Askwa/i  {tha.nks)\  The  village  chief  Lolulomai,  who  has  met  the 
Katcinas  at  the  house,  gives  to  the  Aototo  some  sacred  meal  and  a 
baho  and  receives  a  bunch  of  green  corn.  The  Aholi  then  goes 
through  the  same  performance,  but  the  bunch  of  corn  taken  from 
this  Katcina  Lolulomai  hands  to  the  woman,  who  receives  it  with  a 
heartfelt  '■'■AskwaliV  All  then  proceed  to  the  house  of  the  kikmongwi 
(village  chief),  /.  e.  the  house  where  this  personage,  who  is  now  Lolu- 
lomai, was  born  and  raised  and  where  his  sister,  who  is  also  often 
called  kikmongwi,  is  still  living.  On  the  way  to  this  house  the  same 
performance  with  the  cloud  symbol  takes  place.  At  the  house  they 
are  met  by  Punan5msi,'the  sister  of  Lolulomai  and  of  Shokhungyoma, 
the  man  who  is  acting  as  Aototo.  The  same  performance  takes 
place  at  this  house  as  at  the  other,  the  woman  also  receiving  a  bunch 
of  corn.  From  here  they  proceed  to  the  Pongovi  kiva  which  is  close 
by  and  which  is  the  kiva  of  Lolulomai  and  his  brother,  also  of 
Yeshiwa  who  is  acting  as  Aholi.  Lolulomai  enters  the  kiva.  Both 
Katcinas  rub  a  little  meal  to  the  four  sides  of  the  hatchway  and  then 
receive  the  prayer  offerings  from  the  husband  of  Pungnanomsi,  who 
also  receives  the  bunches  of  corn.  From  here  a  member  of  the 
Pikash  or  Aholi  clan  precedes  the  Katcinas  to  the  ancestral  home  of 
the  Aholi  Katcina,  where  the  sam^  perforrnances  take  place  as  at  the 
other  places.  From  here  the  two  Katcinas  go  to  the  south  side  of 
the  village  where  they  are  met  behind  a  house  by  Lolulomai,  who  relieves 
them  of  the  objects  they  have  carried,  which  he  wraps  in  a  blanket 
and  takes  to  his  kiva.  The  Katcinas  proceed  by  a  different  route 
also  to  the  same  kiva  where  they  divest  themselves  of  their  costumes, 
first  of  all  warming  themselves  at  the  fireplace,  as  they  usually  get 
very  cold  on  their  expedition,  which  lasts  several  hours.  Food  has 
meanwhile  been  brought  in  by  the  immediate  relatives  of  the  men  in 
the  kiva  and  breakfast  soon  follows,  the  men  arranging  themselves  in 
rows  on  the  kiva  floor  around  the  food  bowls,  trays,  etc.  On  one 
occasion  I  noticed  thirteen  small  round  trays,  each  containing  some 
white  mush  (wotakd)  on  the  kiva  floor.  I  think  there  was  one  tray  for 
each  participant  in  the  feast.  I  also  noticed  on  that  occasion  no  less 
than  thirty-seven  small  bunches  of  young  green  corn  on  the  floor, 
which  were  undoubtedly  to  be  given  to  the  families  and  friends  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  kiva.  But  my  notes  fail  to  state  any  particular  on 
this  point.  There  are  reasons  to  believe  that  the  corn  was  furnished 
by  the  Aototo  and  Aholi  Katcinas,  as  they  were  the  only  men,  as  far 


ii6        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

as  I  have  ascertained,  who  had  planted  any  corn  in  that  kiva  in  addition 
to  the  beans.  Of  the  latter,  some  had  been  planted  by  all  of  the  inha- 
bitants of  the  kiva.  The  bahos,  which  the  two  Katcinas  had  obtained 
at  the  different  places  where  they  stopped,  were  also  lying  in  th^ 
kiva,  and  I  was  told  that  they  would  be  deposited  in  the  afternoon  at 
one  of  the  principal  "  Katcin  ^i'Aus"  south  of  the  village,  called  Kuwa- 
waimawee. 

In  all  the  other  kivas,  and  also  in  the  houses,  preparations  are 
being  made  for  a  feast  in  which  the  beans  that  were  pulled  in  the 
kivas  early  in  the  morning  and  have  since  been  cooked  form  the 
principal  dish. 

In  the  Honani  kiva  the  dismantling  of  the  altar  is  now  completed. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  following  objects  remained  at  their 
places  when  the  altar  was  taken  down  on  the  previous  evening  :  The 
four  na^st  sticks,  the  tiponi,  the  "mother"  {tiponi  of  the  Katcina 
priest),  the  medicine  bowl,  the  six  corn  ears,  a  mongwikuru  and  the 
four  bahos  that  had  been  standing  in  the  sand  ridge.  All  the  objects 
belonging  to  the  altar  proper  are  wrapped  up,  the  four  bahos  are 
placed  on  the  tray  which  the  Hahai-i  carried  and  on  which  are  still 
lying  the  cottonwood  twig,  a  few  small  twigs  of  pine  and  some  green 
corn,  all  of  which,  I  believe,  belong  to  the  Powamu  priest.  This 
tray,  the  medicine  bowl  and  the  bowl  with  the  water  which  the  Aototo 
and  the  Aholi  had  poured  into  the  kiva  are  temporarily  placed  on  the 
banquette  in  the  north  part  of  the  kiva.  The  sand  ridge  is  swept  up 
by  a  member  of  the  Sand  clan  and  the  sand  deposited  near  the  afore- 
mentioned batni,  a  few  paces  south  of  the  kiva. 

Towards  noon  the  Powamu  priest  disposes  of  the  water  poured 
into  the  bowl  by  the  Aototo  and  Aholi,  and  of  that  in  the  medicine 
bowl  and  mongwikuru,  and  of  the  objects  remaining  in  the  tray.  This 
has  been  observed  only  once  and  the  following  facts  were  noted 
down  : 

At  about  ten  o'clock  the  Powamu  priest  Siima  went  into  the 
kiva,  placed  the  green  corn,  pine  sprigs,  and  beans  on  the  floor  in  the 
northwest  corner  of  the  kiva  in  four  small  bunches,  placing  with  each 
lot  also  one  of  the  bahos  from  the  altar  sand  ridge.  He  then  sang  a 
long  song  over  these  objects,  accompanying  himself  with  a  gourd 
rattle,  during  which  he  sprinkled  with  a  makwanpi  (aspergill)  all  the 
water  from  the  bowl  on  the  four  piles.  After  he  was  through  singing 
he  also  poured  on  them  the  water  from  the  medicine  bowl.  He  then 
placed  the  four  bahos,  the  mongwikuru  and  some  sacred  meal  on  the 
tray  and  took  the  tray  to  a  field  west  of  the  mesa.  Here  he  first  dug 
a  hole  in  the  soft  sand  and  then  took  some  meal  from  the  tray,  held  it 


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OF  THE 

iiNiVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS. 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.    LXVII. 


Katcinas  Qoqontinumya. 


Pl.  LXVII.     Katcinas  Qoqontinumya. 


a.     Haaa  Katcina  which  is  also  often  called  the  Katcina  mother. 

d.  Two  Hote  Katcinas  to  the  left.  The  one  in  the  foreground  is  an  innova- 
tion, a  part  of  the  costume  of  different  Katcinas  having  been  adopted.  The  term 
Qoqontinumya  is  used  to  designate  the  going  about  of  different  Katcinas  through 
the  streets  and  kivas  on  such  occasions  as  this,  the  Balolcikong  ceremony,  etc. 


# 


/ 


^vC 


III  nr,  >.i  bnooi; 


..;../(  3JoH  owT     ..\ 


liBRARV 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITV  of  ILLINOIS 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PL.    LXVIIt. 


Katcinas  Qoqontinumya. 


Pl.  XLVIII.    Disks  of  the  Pota. 

I,  2  and  3.     Blossom  symbols. 

4.  Cloud  symbols. 

5.  Hopi  symbol  of  the  moon. 

6.  Clouds  and  corn  ears  pictured  in  a  blossom  symbol. 


lo  lodinx?.  iqoH     -i 
.no:)  hni;  abuolD    .d 


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OFT«t 

UNIVERSITY  of  <liWO»S 


FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,   PLi   LXIX, 


Katcinas  Qoqontinumya. 


Pl.  LXIX.     Katcinas  Qoqontinumya. 


a.  Chaveyo  Katcinas. 

b.  Waydq  Ho  (Big  Head  Ho)  Katcina,  also  called  Holookong  Katcina,  from 
the  serpent  (holSokong)  painted  around  the  eyes  of  the  mask. 


iiioil  ,r.tih1r,'A  •aiui-At 


i  yifl)  oH  ptysW    .A 


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«^IELD  COJ-UMBIAN    MUSEUM- 


ANTHROPOLOGY,  PL.  LXX. 


Katcinas  Qoqontinumya. 


Pl.  LXX.     Katcinas. 


a.    Unidentified  Katcinas. 

d.  Two  men,  dressed  up  and  masked  as  an  old  man  and  his  wife  (Ooqont- 
inumya).  They  went  through  the  different  kivas  relating  their  family  troubles, 
thereby  causing  great  hilarity. 


-Jiiopiiy)  'jliw  airf  has  nr.in  bid  (ly 


.n-Jm  nwT     .^ 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  117 

to  his  lips,  whispered  a  silent  prayer  on  it  and  sprinkled  it  into  the 
hole  from  the  six  ceremonial  directions.  Next  he  placed  a  baho  into  the 
hole,  also  waving  it  first  towards  it  from  the  six  directions.  He  then 
disposed  of  the  other  three  bahos  but  my  notes  do  not  distinctly  state 
where  he  placed  them,  only  that  he  did  not  wave  them  first.  My  recol- 
lection, however,  is  that  he  stuck  them  into  the  sand  beside  the  hole. 
The  latter  was  then  closed  into  the  hole  from  the  mongwikuru,  also 
from  the  six  ceremonial  directions  and  the  hole  then  closed  up. 
Finally  Siima  again  held  some  meal  to  his  lips,  prayed  over  it, 
sprinkled  it  on  the  place  where  he  had  closed  up  the  hole,  threw  also 
two  times  a  pinch  towards  the  sun  and  then  returned  to  the  kiva. 
The  four  bunches  of  corn,  beans  and  pine  he  took  to  the  house  where 
he  lived  (that  of  one  of  his  daughters)  where  they  were  inserted  between 
the  corn  that  is  piled  up  in  every  Hopi  house  as  already  stated. 

During  the  day  many  different  Katcinas  appear  in  the  village. 
One  group  is  always  led  by  the  Katcina  mother,  the  Haaa  Katcina 
(See  Pis.  LXVII  and  LXXII  d*),  and  the  blue  and  yellow  Hote  Kat- 
cinas. The  Haaa  is  dressed  like  a  woman.  To  the  dress  are  fastened 
numerous  crosses  or  stars  made  of  corn  husks.  His  hair  is  arranged 
on  one  side  in  the  typical  whorl  of  the  Hopi  maiden,  on  the  other 
side  it  hangs  down  loosely.  On  the  back  of  the  head  he  wears  a  disk 
to  which  some  crow  feathers  are  attached.  This  represents  a  scalp, 
crow  feathers  being  used,  it  is  said,  as  a  slur  on  the  enemies  of  the 
Hopi,  the  Navajos,  Utes,  Apaches  and  others,  who  used  to  make 
raids  on  them  as  the  coyotes  and  crows  make  raids  on  their  fields  and 
flocks.      It  is  said  that  formerly  a  genuine  scalp  was  used. 

These  Katcinas  go  through  the  streets  and  to  the  different  kivas. 
At  some  of  the  latter  they  are  joined  by  other  Katcinas  such  as  the 
Snake,  Koyemsi,  Cotukonangwu,  Chaveyo,  Woyak-Ho  and  others 
(see  Pis.  LXVni,  LXIX  and  LXX),  who  have  dressed  themselves  up 
in  those  kivas.  They  make  the  round  through  the  village  and  to  the 
different  kivas  four  times  during  the  course  of  the  day.  They  do  not 
perform  any  special  ceremonies  but  talk,  quarrel,  make  fun,  some 
give  presents  to  the  children  that  were  not  ready  for  distribution  in 
the  morning,  etc.  The  last  round  they  make  in  the  opposite  direction 
from  the  others,  the  Katcinas  from  the  different  kivas  leaving  the 
group  and  entering  their  respective  kivas. 


♦The  following  story  is  told  of  the  Haaa  Katcina  :  A  long  time  ago  some  Hopi  were  living  at 
Batangwoshtoikave  (Squash-seed-point),  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  east  of  Oraibi.  One  day  a 
mother  was  putting  up  her  daughter's  hair.  When  she  had  completed  one  of  the  whorls,  the 
daughter  observed  a  party  of  enemies  sneaking  towards  the  village.  She  at  once  snatched  from  the 
wall  a  bow.  quiver  and  arrows,  rushed  to  the  village,  warned  the  inhabitants,  led  the  defending  party 
and  defeated  the  enemies.  That  Hopi  maiden  now  occupies  a  prominent  position  in  the  Katcina 
Pantheon  of  ihe  Hopi  as  the  Haaa  K;,atcina  and  is  called  the  "  Katcina  mother." 


ii8        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 

Another  group  of  Katcinas  that  usually  appear  on  this  occasion 
are  the  so-called  Cooyoktu  (Cooyokos)  of  which  there  are  generally 
four :  The  Cooyoktu  Pawaamu  (elder  brother  of  the  Cooyokos)  the 
Cocooyoktu  Tahaamu  (uncle,  mother's  side,  of  which  there  are  two) 
and  the  Cooyok  Wuhti  (woman).  These  are  accompanied  by  two 
Hehea  Katcinas. 

These  Cooyoktu  are  very  much  dreaded  by  the  children  of  the 
village.  When  a  child  is  naughty  or  disobedient,  the  parents  or  rela- 
tives threaten  that  they  will  call  these  monsters,  who  will  come  and 
get  it.  On  these  occasions,  when  the  latter  are  in  the  village,  these 
threats  are  often  carried  out,  and  the  conversation  that  occurs  when 
they  come  to  a  house  where  a  child  is  to  be  frightened  into  good 
behavior  is  usually  about  as  follows  :  The  Cooyoktu  Pawaamu 
approaches  the  child  and  says:  "You  are  naughty  and  bad  ;  we  have 
come  to  get  you.  You  fight  the  other  children,  kill  chickens  (or  other 
similar  misdeeds  are  mentioned),  and  we  shall  now  take  you  away  and 
roast  and  eat  you."  The  Cooyok  Wuhti  chimes  in  and  repeats  the 
charges  and  the  threats.  The  child  begins  to  cry  and  to  promise 
good  behavior,  but  the  Katcinas  refuse  to  relent.  "  Of  course,  you 
will  be  bad  again,  we  do  not  believe  you,"  and  the  woman  begins  to 
reach  after  the  child  with  her  crook.  The  latter  screams  and  begins 
to  offer  presents,  usually  meat  if  it  is  a  boy,  sweet  corn-meal  if  it  is  a 
girl.  The  Pawaamu  pretends  to  take  the  present  but  grabs  the 
child's  arm  instead.  The  pleadings  and  promises  to  be  better  are 
renewed  and  finally  the  two  Katcinas  say  that  if  the  two  Tahaamu  are 
willing  to  accept  the  presents,  they  will  relent  this  time.  The  latter 
declare  themselves  satisfied,  the  meat  is  put  into  the  hoapu  (basket) 
carried  by  the  woman,  the  meal  into  sacks  carried  by  the  two  Hehea 
Katcinas,  and  with  many  admonitions  and  threats  to  certainly  take 
the  little  sinner  if  they  hear  of  further  complaints,  the  party  moves  on 
to  another  place,  where  the  same  scene  is  repeated.  The  Hopi  say 
that  formerly  the  Katcinas  would  occasionally  actually  take  a  child 
with  them,  but  that  once  a  child  died  from  fright,  and  since  then  they 
content  themselves  with  frightening  the  children  as  described. 

The  Katcinas  of  both  of  these  groups  always  belong  to  the 
so-called  "  Ichiwoti  "  (Angry)  Katcinas.  To  these  belong  such  Kat- 
cinas as  the  different  varieties  of  the  Ho,  the  Big  Head,  Cotukvnangwu, 
Sohoncomtaka,  Homsona,  Motsin,  Chaveyo,  Snake,  Hote  (different 
varieties),  Chitoto,  Kokopol,  Buffalo,  Grease,  etc. 

I  am  told  that  in  former  years  other  ceremonies  took  place  on  this 
and  the  following  day.  They  were  especially  elaborate  and  complicated 
in  those  years  where  initiations  into  the  Wowochim,  Horn,  Agave  and 


Pl.  LXXI.    Tihus  of  the  Cooyok  and  CooyokWuhti  Katcinas. 


a.  Tihu  of  the  Cooyok  Katcina. 

b.  Tihu  of  the  Coovok-Wuhti  Katcina. 


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FIELD  COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM. 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    LXXII 


r= 


Various  Tihus. 


Pl.  LXXli.    Various  Tihus. 


a.     Mongwi  (Chief)  Katcina.        f>.     Pachawo  Mana.        c    Chaveyo  Katcina. 
d.     Haaa  Katcina. 


pMt!      til 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  119 

Singers'  Societies  had  taken  place  in  the  preceding  fall,  at  the  great 
Wowochim  ceremony.  As  the  latter  has  not  taken  place  in  Oraibi 
while  the  author  has  lived  there,  and,  in  fact,  not  for  a  number  of 
years  previously,  neither  that  ceremony  nor  the  additional  Powamu 
ceremonies  just  mentioned  have  ever  been  studied.  But  it  might  not 
be  amiss  to  record  here,  at  least  what  the  author  has  been  able  to 
learn  about  the  latter  from  descriptions  by  various  eye-witnesses. 
This  is  about  as  follows  : 

After  the  Katcinas  which  had  been  roaming  through  the  village, 
as  just  described,  had  dispersed,  the  Powamu  chief  went  to  a  place 
about  one-eighth  of  a  mile  northeast  of  the  village,  descending  a  trail 
part  of  the  way  where  there  is  an  opening  in  the  side  of  the  mesa 
called  ihe  pohki  (dog-house).  Tradition  says  that  a  long  time  ago  the 
dogs  lived  in  this  opening  but  left  it  and  moved  to  the  village,  where 
they  have  lived  ever  since.*  Here  several  Mongwi  (chief)  Katcinas, 
one  Hahai-i  Wuhti  and  a  number  of  maidens  from  the  village  had 
assembled  and  dressed  up.  These  the  Powamu  chief  conducted  to 
the  village.  The  procession  is  said  to  have  been  formed  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner:  It  was  headed  by  the  Powamu  priest,  who  carried 
a  tray  with  bahos  to  be  given  to  the  maidens  the  next  day.  He  was 
followed  by  the  Mongwi  Katcinas,  of  which  there  were  usually  four, 
who  walked  abreast.  (PI.  LXXH,  a.)  These  Katcinas  carried 
in  their  right  hand  a  rattle  consisting  of  a  bunch  of  scapulae,  in  their 
left  a  bag  with  sacred  meal  and  a  mongkdho  (see  PI.  LV),  and  were 
singing  while  the  procession  slowly  proceeded  to  and  through  the 
village.  Behind  these  Katcinas  walked  in  single  file  the  manas,  each 
one  carrying  an  empty  tray,  which  was  to  be  used  the  next  day.  By 
the  side  of  the  column  walked  another  Katcina,  the  Hahai-i  Wuhti 
(Hahai-i  woman),  who  frequently  poured  and  sprinkled  from  a  vessel 
water  on  the  children  that  were  among  the  spectators  and  distributed 
among  them  somiwiki  (corn-meal  mush  tied  up  in  corn  husks  and  then 
boiled),  which  is  a  favorite  dish  with  the  Hopi  and  not  infrequently 
used  to  distribute  to  the  spectators  when  certain  ceremonies  are  in 
progress. 

Having  slowly  proceeded  to  and  through  the  village  (the  Mongwi 
Katcinas  constantly  singing),  they  lined  up  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Honani  kiva,  where  they  were  sprinkled  with  corn-meal  by  the  Pow- 
amu priests,  whereupon  they  proceeded  to  Towanashabee,  a  place 
about  one-quarter  of  a  mile  south  of  the  village.     Here  they  disrobed 

*This  place  seems  to  be  selected  because  it  is  suitably  located.  It  has  otherwise  no  connec- 
tion with  or  bearing  on  the  Powamu  ceremony.  The  Katcinas  are  said  to  come  from  Ki  shiwuu, 
the  ancient  home  of  the  Honani  clan  and  the  Powamu  fraternity,  which  is  situated  sixty  miles 
northeast  from  Oraibi. 


I20        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  Ill, 

and  then  returned  to  the  village.  The  Powamu  chief  had  entered 
the  kiva  after  having  sprinkled  the  Katcinas  with  sacred  meal  and 
having  told  them  to  go  home  now  and  to  return  the  next  day. 

The  costume  consisted  of  two  ioihis,  if  that  many  were  obtainable 
(if  not,  atoes  were  used  instead),  moccasins,  the  usual  woman's  sash 
and  the  square  mosaic  ear  pendants.  The  hair  they  wore  on  that 
occasion  in  whorls. 

These  manas  are  called,  it  is  said,  Pachawo  mamantu  (manas) 
after  a  herb  which  the  Hopi  call  pachawo,  and  the  ceremony  of  their 
carrying  beans  to  the  village  the  next  day  is  called  Pachawo-intota. 
It  is  possible  that  formerly  this  herb  was  used  instead  of  beans, 
which  the  herb  very  much  resembles. 

The  Powamu  Katcina  Dance.     (Night  Ceremony.) 

During  the  following  night  the  whole  village  is  astir,  as  in  nearly 
all  the  kivas  the  men  and  boys  participate  in  the  dance  of  the  Pow- 
amu Katcina,  which  is  witnessed  by  the  women  and  children.  On 
this  occasion  the  Katcinas  appear  unmasked,  a  very  rare  occurrence. 
The  new  Powamu  and  Katcina  Wiwimkyamu  (from  Wimkya,  member) 
that  were  initiated  on  the  fifth  and  sixth  days  are  to  learn  for  the  first 
time  that  Katcinas,  whom  they  were  taught  to  regard  as  supernatural 
beings,  are  only  mortal  Hopis.  They  do  not  participate  in  the  dance, 
but  occupy  places  among  the  spectators  on  the  elevated  portion  of 
the  kiva. 

The  Powamu  Katcinas  are  costumed  as  follows  : 
{a.)  The  men:  Around  the  loin  they  wear  the  embroidered 
Katcina  kilt  and  sash  and  a  woman's  sash,  and  around  the  neck 
numerous  strands  of  beads.  Over  the  right  shoulder  is  worn  a 
bandolier,  which  was  formerly  made  of  two  strands  of  yarn,  one  blue, 
the  other  reddish  brown,  the  two  being  twisted  together.  Such  a 
band  is  called  naalongmurukpu  and  is  also  still  used  occasionally  in 
other  ceremonies.*  Others  have  bandoliers  of  other  kinds  of  yarn  or 
of  balletta  or  other  red  stuff.  A  turtle  shell  rattle  is  tied  to  the  right 
leg  and  ear  pendants  of  green  beads  are  worn  in  the  ears.  The  moc- 
casins are  usually  painted  green  and  over  them  are  worn  ankle  bands 
of  various  kinds.  (For  a  tihu  of  this  Katcina  see  PI.  LXXIII,  a.)  In 
their  right  hand  they  hold  a  gourd  rattle,  in  their  left  a  pine  sapling, 
the  pine  having  been  gotten  by  messengers  from  Ki'shiwuu.  On 
the  head  they  have  three  artificial  squash  blossoms  made  of  corn 
husks  and  painted  in  various  colors. 

*At  the  last  Marau  Ceremony  the  chief  priest.  Wickwaya,  pointed  out  to  the  author  a 
naaiongmurukfti  that  was  used  on  the  head-dress  of  the  Marautakas  in  the  public  performance, 
and  he  stated  that  formerly  yarn  of  that  color  only  was  used. 


PL,  LXXIII.    Various  Tihus. 


a.     Powamu   Katcina.        b.     Powamu   Katcina   Mana.        c.     Payatamhoya. 
d.    Powamu  Wuhti  Tiata  Katcina. 


FIELD   COLUMBIAN    MUSEUM 


ANTHROPOLOGY,    PL.   LXXIII 


/^v. 


r.^ 


Various  Tihus. 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILLINOIS. 


m 


Pl.  LXXIV.     Powamu  Katcina  Heao-Dress. 


This  head-dress  (koptcoki)  is  made  of  corn  husks  and  is  painted  in  different 
colors.  It  is  worn  on  top  of  the  head  by  the  Powamu  Katcina  during  the  Powamu 
Katcina  dance. 


LIBRARV 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  of  ILUHOIS. 


Dec.  igoi.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  121 

{l>.)  The  manas.  These  are  young  men  and  boys  who  are 
dressed  up  as  maidens.  They  wear  the  regulation  woman's  dress, 
sash  and  moccasins  and  the  ceremonial  blanket  called  atoe.  Around 
the  neck  they  wear  beads  and  in  the  ears  the  square  mosaic  ear 
pendants  {tuoynahkaata).  The  hair  is  put  up  in  whorls  and  to  the 
forehead  is  fastened  an  artificial  sunflower.  They  hold  a  twig  of  pine 
in  their  left,  nothing  in  their  right  hand. 

The  body  decoration  of  the  men  is  the  same  as  that  of  th^  Aholi 
Katcina,  which  has  already  been  described.  A  little  corn-meal  is 
rubbed  into  the  face,  which  is  occasionally  repeated  later  during  the 
dance  with  corn-meal  carried  by  the  manas  in  corn  husks  behind 
their  sashes.      It  is  said  this  is  done  to  absorb  the  perspiration. 

The  manas  have  their  hands  and  arms  painted  white  with  kaolin 
and  their  faces  with  corn-meal,  the  same  as  the  men. 

Other  Katcinmanas,  such  as  the  Hano,  Takush  (Yellow),  Tassap 
(Navajo)  and  Qotca  (White)  mana,  may  also  be  seen  here  and  there 
among  the  Powamu  manas,  but  it  is  said  that  formerly  the  Powamu 
mana  proper  only  appeared.  Besides  these  participants,  certain  men 
are  dressed  up  as  old  decrepit  women.  These  wear  masks  which 
represent  wrinkled,  ugly  faces  of  old  hags.  They  carry  little  doll 
babies,  which  are  generally  partly  hidden  in  large  pine  branches. 
They  are  called  Powamu-Wuhti-Tiata,  and  some  represent  little  boys, 
some  girls.  They  are  made  in  many  different  styles.  (For  two 
samples  of  these  dolls  see  PI.  LXXIII.)  Women  who  are  sterile,  and 
also  others,  throw  pinches  of  corn-meal  to  these  dolls  as  prayers  that 
they  may  bear  children.  The  meal  is  thrown  towards  the  male  doll 
if  a  boy,  to  the  female  doll  if  a  girl  baby  is  desired. 

The  dance  takes  place  in  all  the  kivas  except  the  Honani  and 
the  Marau  kivas.  On  several  occasions,  however,  several  kivas  were 
known  to  club  together,  as  neither  of  them  could  muster  enough 
dancers,  or,  at  least,  not  as  many  as  the  other  kivas.  The  occupants 
of  each  kiva  dance  not  only  in  their  own  but  also  in  every  other  par- 
ticipating kiva. 

The  dance  is  a  peculiar  one.  Upon  entering  a  kiva  the  dancers 
file  on  the  east  side  of  the  ladder  into  the  deeper  portion  of  the  kiva 
and  line  up  along  the  banquette  on  each  side  and  the  end  of  this  part 
of  the  kiva,  thus  forming  a  line  having  the  shape  of  an  inverted  V. 
The  manas  and  old  women  form  the  east,  the  men  the  west  half  of 
the  line.  When  all  are  in,  the  two  dancers  at  the  apex  of  the  line — a 
man  and  a  mana — join  hands,  dance  forward  in  the  middle  of  the 
kiva,  recede,  dance  forward  again  and  then  release  each  other's  hand, 
the  mana  joining  the  line  on  the  east,  the  man  that  on  the  west  side. 


122        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 

Several  other  pairs  have  followed  the  first  at  once  in  the  same  man- 
ner, so  that  always  three  or  four  couples  are  dancing  backward  and 
forward  in  the  middle  of  the  kiva  and  then  releasing  each  other, 
others  constantly  following,  so  that  the  two  circles  keep  always  mov- 
ing, the  men  from  left  to  right,  the  manas  from  right  to  left. 

It  is  extremely  interesting  to  watch  the  two  moving  circles  with 
their  constantly  varying  combinations  of  the  couples  as  they  meet 
and  join  hands  at  the  apex  of  the  line.  In  some  instances  the  two 
are  young  and  handsome  figures  ;  in  others  the  male  dancer  is  an  old 
decrepit  man,  the  mana  a  child  ;  still  in  others  the  male  a  youth,  the 
mana  an  old  crone,  carrying  a  large  pine  branch  and  in  it  one  of  the 
aforementioned  dolls,  and,  besides  that,  often  a  heavy  load  of  parcels, 
bundles  and  bags  on  her  back.  This  constant  change  in  the  com- 
bination of  the  moving  figures,  the  doleful  singing  in  the  deep, 
sonorous  voices  of  the  men  and  the  high-pitched  tones  of  the  chil- 
dren, the  dimly  lighted  kiva,  the  spectators  squatting  on  the  nearly 
dark  elevated  portion  of  the  kiva,  presents  a  scene  never  to  be  for- 
gotten. 

When  the  dance  in  one  kiva  is  over  the  dancers  proceed  to 
another  kiva,  another  group  enters,  and  so  on  until  the  dancers  from 
every  kiva  have  made  the  round  of  all  the  kivas,  which  is  usually  the 
case  by  about  three  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  all  retire  for  a  few 
hours'  rest,  and  the  village  is  suddenly  wrapped  up  in  the  stillness  of 
the  chilly  winter's  night. 

In  the  Honani  kiva  nothing  of  importance  is  usually  going  on. 
On  one  occasion  I  found  the  old  Powamu  chief  alone  there,  silently 
smoking.  He  has  told  me,  however,  that  on  those  occasions  when  a 
full  Wowochim  ceremony  had  taken  place  the  preceding  fall  in  times 
past,  he  used  to  bury  four  bahos  towards  morning  of  this  night  on 
the  four  sides  of  the  village,  placing  them  in  the  ground  against  the 
foundation  walls  of  four  different  houses.  These  bahos  are  called  the 
roots  of  the  houses  or  of  the  village.  They  are  a  prayer  offering  for 
the  safety  of  the  village. 

Tenth  Day.     (Ninth  Day  of  the  People.) 

As  the  ceremonies  of  this  day  have  never  been  observed  because, 
as  already  stated,  they  have  not  taken  place  for  many  years,  the  facts 
recorded  below  are  again  based  upon  hearsay.  It  is  believed,  how- 
ever, that  while  these  notes  do  not  by  any  means  exhaust  the  subject, 
they  are  substantially  correct.  They  were  submitted  for  revision  to 
several  men  who  had  witnessed  the  ceremonies.  The  latter  did  not 
take  place  every  year,  but  only  on  those  Powamu  ceremonies  follow- 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony— Voth.  123 

ing  a  full  Wowochim  ceremony.  It  seems  that  on  these  occasions 
the  different  kinds  of  Katcinas  that  roamed  through  the  village  on 
the  previous  day,  as  described  before,  again  appeared  in  the  same 
manner.  The  Pachawa  manas,  the  same  that  were  conducted  from 
the  "  Dog-house  "  to  the  village  on  the  previous  evening  by  the  Pow- 
amu priest,  repaired  to  a  place  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  south  of  the 
village  called  Towanashabee,*  where  they  and  the  Mongwi  Katcinas 
had  gone  the  previous  evening,  and  where  they  were  dressed  up  in 
the  costume  of  the  Katsinmana  the  same  as  on  the  night  before, 
only  the  hair  was  tied  in  a  knot  behind  the  head  instead  of  in  whorls. 
(PI.  LXXII,  b.)  Just  who  was  with  them  could  not  be  ascertained, 
but  it  seems  that,  besides  some  old  women  belonging  to  the  Honani 
clan,  the  chief  Powamu  priest  was  one  of  them,  at  least  conducted 
them  later  on  to  another  place,  as  will  be  described  presently. 

Some  time  in  the  afternoon  the  Powamu  priest  sent  some  one  to 
the  village  to  tell  the  Katcinas  to  drive  the  people  into  their  houses 
and  keep  them  there,  to  notify  the  men  to  cut  the  beans  in  the  kivas, 
to  dig  holes  near  the  kivas  and  bury  in  them  the  sand  in  which  the 
beans  were  grown  and  to  take  the  beans  to  Kuwawaimavee,  another 
place  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  south  of  the  village.  Hereupon  the 
Haaa  Katcina  at  once  ascended  to  the  roof  of  the  house  from  which 
all  sacred  ceremonies  are  announced,  swung  and  twirled  his  bow  and 
quiver  and  shouted.  Just  what  no  one  could  tell  me.  Most  of  my 
informants  say  he  simply  shouted.  It  seems  to  have  been  a  signal  to 
the  other  Katcinas  in  the  village  because  they  at  once  dispersed,  scat- 
tered through  the  village,  urged  the  people  to  go  into  their  houses 
and  then  watched  the  doors  that  no  one  should  leave  a  house.  In  the 
kivas  the  men  now  cut  the  beans  that  had  not  been  cut  in  the  morn- 
ing for  the  feast,  tied  them  in  small  bunches  to  short  sticks  and 
fastened  these  to  a  framework  or  "tree"  of  sticks  and  dry  grass  ; 
with  them  were  tied  pine  saplings  and  bunches  of  awatsi  and  nyi,  two 
common  herbs.  These  were  then  placed  into  large  trays  and  taken  to 
Kuwawaimavee,  where  those  who  were  to  take  part  in  the  procession 
were  assembling.  The  earth  in  which  the  beans  had  been  grown  was 
dumped  into  the  holes  made  for  that  purpose  and  then  covered  up. 
As  soon  as  all  the  beans  had  been  taken  to  the  aforementioned  place 
the  people  were  allowed  to  leave  their  houses  and  to  go  to  Kuwawai- 

♦Towanashabee  is  a  place  about  three  miles  south  of  Oraibi,  where  the  Honani  people  are 
said  to  have  lived  a  while  after  coming  from  Ki  shiwuu  and  before  having  been  admitted  to  the 
village.  It  is  a  peculiar  custom,  however,  that  distant  places,  sacred  to  the  Hopi,  have  duplicates, 
as  it  were,  near  the  village.  Thus,  there  is  a  Ki  shiwuu,  Homolovi  (ancient  village  near  VVinslow), 
Nuwatikiovi  (San  Francisco  Mountains)  and  Towanashabee,  close  to  Oraibi,  because,  the  Oraibis 
say,  it  is  too  far  to  always  go  to  those  distant  places  to  deposit  prayer  offerings,  etc. 


124        Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 

mavee  except,  of  course,  the  children  who  had  not  yet  been  initiated 
into  a  religious  fraternity.  Here  many  men  had  in  the  meanwhile 
dressed  up  as  Katcinas,  each  kiva  representing  a  different  kind  and 
sometimes,  as  I  understand  it,  the  same  kiva  sent  different  kinds  of 
Katcinas. 

At  Towanashabee  the  maidens  had  in  the  meanwhile  arrived  and 
been  dressed  up  as  the  Katcinmana  that  accompanies  the  Hemis, 
Qfioqoqlom  and  other  Katcinas.  They  were  then  conducted  by  one 
of  the  Powamu  priests  to  Kuwawaimavee,  where  they  were  handed  the 
tray  with  beans  and  then  the  procession  was  formed  in  the  following 
manner  :*  At  the  head  of  the  line  walked  the  kikmongwi  who  was 
followed  by  the  chaakmongwi,  kalehtakmongwi,  the  Powamu  priest, 
the  Aototo  Katcina  and  the  Aholi  Katcina,  in  the  order  named.  Then 
came  a  so-called  Tocauv  or  relieving  Katcina, f  so-called  because  they 
occasionally  relieve  the  Pachawo  manas  of  the  trays,  which  are  said  to 
have  been  quite  heavy.  This  Katcina  was  followed  by  a  mana,  the 
two  belonging  to  one  kiva.  Then  followed  another  pair  from  another 
kiva,  then  another,  etc.  The  order  in  which  the  kivas  were  represented 
is  said  to  have  been  as  follows  :  Sakwalanve  (Blue  Flute),  Nashabe 
(Centre),  Tcua  (Rattle  Snake),  Kwan  (Agave),  Hawovi  (Descending  or 
Going  Down),  Tao  (Singers),  Hano  (Hano),  Wikolapi  (Wrinkle)  and 
Pongovi  (Circle).  Each  pair  was,  as  I  understand  it,  accompanied 
by  the  different  Katcinas  from  that  kiva,  who  walked  on  either  side 
constantly  shouting,  some  also  carrying  beans  in  hoapus  (a  deep 
basket,  carried  on  the  back).  On  both  sides  of  the  procession  walked 
the  inhabitants  of  the  village.  At  short  intervals  the  Tusauv  Kat- 
cinas would  ask  the  manas  :  '■^Um  nat  ka  manguuf  ("Are  you  not  yet 
tired?")  and  if  answered  in  the  affirmative  would  take  the  tray  and 
carry  it  awhile.  The  Haaa  Katcina  (Katcina  Mother)  is  said  to  have 
kept  somewhat  at  the  head  of  the  procession  but  without  having  con- 
fined himself  to  a  special  place. 

Having  arrived  at  Pachawo  Nanasungoi  (Pachawo  Resting  Place) 
all  halted,  the  trays  were  placed  on  the  ground  and  all  rested  a  few 
minutes.  This  place  is  situated  at  the  south  edge  of  the  village. 
Soon  the  procession  was  again  formed  and  proceeded  to  a  plaza  south 
of  the  Honani  kiva  in  the  centre  of  which  there  is  a  small  opening  in 

*My  informants diifer  somewhat  on  this  point,  but  the  order  here  given  is  believed  to  be  very 
nearly  if  not  entirely  correct.  Some  claim  the  Powamu  fraternity  not  to  have  been  represented, 
others  that  the  Katcina  priest  also  took  part  in  the  procession. 

tThe  Tocauv  Katcinas  were  always  boys  ormen  that  had  been  initiated  into  the  Katcina  order 
during  that  Powamu  ceremony.  It  is  said  that  they  might  represent  any  kind  of  Katcina  (such 
as  the  Maalo,  Hopi-Anga,  Sio,  having  been  noticed),  but  none  of  the  so-called  angry  Katcinas. 
Some  claim,  however,  that  formerly  they  had  a  special  Tocauv  Katcina. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  125 

the  ground,  called  batni  (well  or  cistern),  which  belongs  to  the  Bow 
clan  and  into  which  one  of  the  Bow  people  deposits  a  baho 
and  some  sacred  meal  very  early  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  Po- 
wamu ceremony.  Around  this  batni  the  procession  moved  four 
times  from  right  to  left,  the  trays  being  placed  on  the  ground  for 
a  few  minutes  on  the  north,  west,  south  and  east  sides,  and 
also  being  carried  occasionally  by  the  Tucauv  Katcinas,  as  I 
understand  it.  The  trays  are  set  down — planted — as  a  prayer  that 
those  things  in  them  might  grow  abundantly.  They  then  proceed  to 
the  Honani  kiva  which  is  located  only  a  few  steps  to  the  northeast. 
They  walked  around  the  kiva  also  four  times.  During  the  fourth 
round  the  manas  handed  the  trays  to  the  Tusauv  Katcinas,  and  then 
all  the  leaders  or  momngwitu  (chiefs)  and  the  Tusauv  Katcinas  with 
their  manas  arranged  themselves  around  the  kiva.  The  pipe-lighter 
and  the  Powamu  chief  priest  emerged  from  the  kiva,  the  first  with  a 
reed  cigarette  and  a  lighted  fuse  of  cedar  bark,  the  latter  with  the 
medicine  bowl  and  aspergill.  The  first  smoked  on  the  back  of  the 
leaders  and  Katcinas,  the  latter  sprinkled  them  with  water. 

Hereupon  the  chaakmongwi  (crier)  shouted  that  all  should  cover 
up  or  otherwise  hide  their  children  (/.  e.  those  who  had  not  yet  been 
initiated).  As  soon  as  this  was  done  all  the  Katcinas  took  off  their 
masks,  certain  men  from  each  kiva  took  the  trays  from  the  manas  and 
the  hoapus  from  the  Katcinas  and  carried  them  with  their  contents  to 
the  houses  of  the  respective  manas.  The  latter,  as  well  as  all  the 
Katcinas,  went  to  their  respective  kivas  where  they  disrobed,  the 
manas  going  to  their  houses,  where  they  distributed  the  beans  {Jiaru) 
to  their  friends,  who  took  them  home  to  use  as  one  of  the  dishes 
in  the  feast  that  followed.  The  herbs  and  pine  saplings  were  also 
distributed  and  placed,  as  is  usually  the  case,  on  the  corn  piles  or  put 
away  otherwise  in  the  different  houses. 


126       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 


POWAMU  SONGS. 


It  has  not  yet  been  possible  to  obtain  all  the  songs  used  in  the 
entire  Powamu  ceremony.  Fortunately,  all  those  which  are  sung  in 
the  regular  morning  and  evening  ceremonies  of  the  Powamu  ceremony 
proper  have  been  recorded.  Of  the  Powalawu  songs,  however,  we 
have  only  three.  Besides  these  we  have  the  Discharming  or  Purifica- 
tion song,  and  of  others,  for  instance  that  sung  by  the  Powamu  priest 
over  the  four  bahos,  etc.,  on  the  last  day,  we  have  some  notes  but  too 
incomplete  to  be  published. 

The  language  of  some  of  the  songs  is  almost  entirely  archaic  and 
that  of  others  contains  many  archaic  words,  while  all  of  them  contain 
words  that  have  no  special  meaning,  so  that  the  interpretation  of  the 
songs  has  thus  far  been  very  unsatisfactory.  Most  of  the  words 
undergo  considerable  change  and  receive  additional  syllables  when 
used  in  songs,  so  that  it  is  often  very  difficult  to  identify  them  when 
hearing  or  even  when  writing  them.  I  may  state  in  this  connection 
that  the  number  of  songs  of  the  Hopi  is  legion,  but  it  is  surprising 
what  a  great  percentage  of  them  are  not  at  all  or  are  only  partly 
understood  by  the  Hopi,  because  the  songs  are  either  entirely  or 
partly  composed  of  archaic  words  or  have  been  borrowed  from  other 
tribes.  The  latter  is  especially  the  case  with  the  songs  of  such  Kat- 
cinas  as  have  been  introduced  from  other  tribes,  and  it  is  self-evident 
that  the  knowledge  of  such  songs  by  the  Hopi  is  but  imperfect  at  best 
and,  in  fact,  some  are  used  in  fragmentary  form  only.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  someone  will  be  able  to  make  a  special  study  of  this  sub- 
ject, which,  however,  will  necessitate  a  study  of  the  language 
thorough  enough  to  enable  the  student  to  dispense  with  interpreters,  as 
in  many  cases  either  the  old  priests  will  not  sing  the  most  valuable  and 
sacred  songs,  or  the  interpreters,  who  are  young  people,  are  unable 
to  give  the  meaning  of  the  words,  many  of  which  are  not  used  in  every- 
day life. 


Dec.  igoi.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  127 

SONGS  USED  AT  THE  POWAMU  CEREMONY  PROPER. 


FIRST  SONG. 

1.  To  the  North. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, "j 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, I  Meaning   could   not  be  ascertained.     The 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, f        words  are  archaic. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, J 

Anihiyahana, "1 

A^;,,oo,.-.  Words  archaic.    Meaning  unknown.    These 

Haaniyana, f        ^°"''  "'"^^  ^''^  ^""^  ^*  ^^^  beginning  of 

u„„„:.,.,.,„l  the  first  stanza  only. 

Haaniyaana, }  ^ 

Nana  kwininaaaaa, (You)  over  yonder  to  the  north. 

Sika  omaw  omi  nononga,  ....  Yellow  clouds,  come  out  and  rise. 

Latakihuy  ayoangqo, Latakihuy^  (obscure) come  from  over  yonder. 

Sika  talawipi  omi  nononga,   .    .     .  Yellow  lightning,  come  out  and  rise. 

Lataciwuy  ayoangqo, Lataciwuy*  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Siica  chocholomakata,^ Yellow  (rain)  drops,  give  us  (?)  sprinkle  (?) 

Akwa  tohikangwinaaaa,     ....  To  refresh  our  crops. 

Anihiyahanaha, [obsolete. 

Anihiyahanaha, ) 

2.  To  the  West. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, -^ 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, K 

1^           1            ■.  .  j>Obscure. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, f 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, J 

Nana  tawangqoo, (You)  over  yonder  to  the  west. 

Sakwa  omaw  omi  nononga,    .    .     .  Blue  clouds,  come  out  and  rise. 

Latakihuy  ayoangqo, Latakihuy  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Sakwa  talawipi  omi  nononga,     .     .  Blue  lightning,  come  out  and  rise. 

Lataciwuy  ayoangqo, Lataciwuy  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Sakwa  chocholomakata,     ....  Blue  (rain)  drops  give  us  (?). 

Akwa  tohikangwinaaaa To  refresh  our  crops. 

Anihiyahanaha, \^. 

.    .,  /   ,        ,  ?-Obscure. 

Anihiyahanaha, \ 

3.  To  the  South. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo '^ 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, I     ^ 

1^          1            .  .  ^Obscure. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, f 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, J 

Nana  tatyaqoo, (You)  over  yonder  to  the  south. 

Pala  omaw  omi  nononga,  .    .     .     ,      Red  clouds,  come  put  and  rise. 

Latakihuy  ayoangqo, Latakihuy  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Pala  talawipi  omi  nononga,  .    .     .      Red  lightning,  come  out  and  rise. 

Lataciwuy  ayoangqo, Lataciwuy  (obscure),  come  from  over  yonder. 

Pala  chocholomakata, Red  (rain)  drops  give  us  (?). 

Akwa  tohikangwinaaaa,     ....      To  refresh  our  crops. 

Anihiyahanaha, lr»>, 

Anihiyahanaha, ) 


128       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 

4.  To  the  East. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, ^ 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, I 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, f      scure. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, J 

Nana  nahopoqoo, (You)  over  yonder  to  the  east. 

Qocha  omaw  omi  nononga,    .     .     .      White  clouds,  come  out  and  rise. 

Latakihuy  ayoangqo, Latakihuy  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Qotcha  talawipi  omi  nononga,   .     .      White  lightning,  come  out  and  rise. 

Lataciwuy  ayoangqo, Lataciwuy  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Qocha  chocholomakata,     ....      White  (rain)  drops  give  us. 
Akwa  tohikangwinaaaa,     .     .     .     .    ^ 

Aniiyahanaha }>Obscure. 

Aniiyahanaha, J 

5.  Towards  Above. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, ^ 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, I 

Kayav  komacitotoooo,  .....    |       scure. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, J 

Nana  ongaqo, (You)  over  yonder  above. 

Toko  omaw  omi  nononga,      .     .     .      Black  clouds,  come  out  and  rise. 

Latakihuy  ayoangqo Latakihuy  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Toko  talawipi  omi  nononga,  .     .     .      Black  lightning,  come  out  and  rise. 

Lataciwuy  ayoaiigqo, Lataciwuy  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Toko  chocholomakata, Black  (rain)  drops  give  us. 

Akwa  tohikangwinaaaa ^ 

Anihiyahanaha, >Obscure. 

Anihiyahanaha, ^ 

6.  Towards  Below. 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, "i 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, I 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, | 

Kayav  komacitotoooo, j 

Nana  atyatoqo, (You)  yonder  below. 

Soyohimu  omaw  omi  nononga,  .    .      All  kinds  of  clouds,  come  out  and  rise! 
Latakihuy  ayo  anqo, ......      Latakihuy  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Soyohimu  talawipi  omi  nononga,   .      All  kinds  of  lightning,  come  out  and  rise! 

Lataciwuy  ayoanqo, Lataciway  (obscure)  come  from  over  yonder. 

Soyohimu  chocholomakata,  .     .     .      All  kinds  of  (rain)  drops  give  us! 
Akwa  tohikanwinaaaa,  .,...> 

Anihiyahanaha, >Obscure. 

Anihiyahanaha, J 

1.  Several  priests  insist  that  the  word  refers  to  the  dwellings  or  houses,  kihu,  of  the  clouds, 
though  all  agree  that  the  first  part  of  the  word,  ^'  Lata,"  is  archaic;  one  of  them,  however,  sug- 
gested that  it  meant  "  your,"  in  which  case  the  line  would  read:  "  From  your  dwellings  over  yonder 
come  (here)." 

2.  "  Lataci-wuy."  One  of  the  priests  stated  that  an  old  man  had  told  him  that  this  word 
was  an  obsolete  word  for  mongwikuru.  This  is  not  at  all  unlikely,  as  these  vessels  are  used  in  all 
ceremonies  for  getting  from  various  springs  the  water  that  is  used  to  asperge  on  altars,  priests, 
novitiates,  seeds  (see  the  Powalawu  ceremony),  etc.  In  that  case,  however,  the  explanation  of 
*'/ato,"  as  given  in  the  previous  note,  would  hardly  be  admissible. 

3.  The  information  obtainable  on  the  last  part  of  the  word,  "  makata"  is  unsatisfactory. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  129 

SECOND  SONG. 

1.  To  the  North. 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  this  way! 

Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array  yourself! 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  this  way! 

Yojahiwitahahaahaa, Array  yourself! 

Shushukwininaqo, From  the  north, 

Chochomiongwu/ .  A  perfect  corn  ear, 

Tomaciinuu, My  clan  mother. 

Tawamanawu-vohokomuyu,*      .     .  Oriole  bird, 

Shurunahashayamuyu, In  the  middle  of  your  tail, 

Ikwiltato,'      .     .     .    , You  are  carrying. 

Pitohopuhutavi, You  have  now  come, 

Uushikano  timahay, Dressed  up  to  the  dance  (ceremony); 

Yahapik  wolu*  timahay,     ....  Yes,  well  now,  to  the  dance, 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  here, 

Timaiwishaahaaha, To  the  dance. 

2.  To  the  West. 

Pahahawihiihi Come  this  way! 

Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array  yourself! 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  this  way! 

Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array  yourself! 

Shuhuhtawahangqo, From  the  west, 

Totoloongwu A  perfect  corn  ear,  (?) 

Tomaciinguu, My  clan  mother. 

Choro  vohokomuyu, Bluebird  bird, 

Shurunahashayamuya, In  the  middle  of  your  tail, 

Ikwiltato, You  are  carrying. 

Pitohopuhutavi You  have  now  come, 

Uushikango, Dressed  up  to  the  dance  (ceremony); 

Yahapik  wolu  timahay,     ....  Yes,  well  now,  to  the  dance, 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  here, 

Timaiwishaahaaha, To  the  dance. 

3.  To  the  South. 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  this  way! 

Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array  yourself! 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  this  way! 

Yoyahiwitaahaahaa Array  yourself! 

Shuhuhtatyahaqo,      ......  From  the  south, 

Chochomiongwu, A  perfect  corn  ear, 

Tomaciinguu, My  clan  mother. 

Karro  vohokomuyu, Parrot  bird, 

Shurunahashayamuya, In  the  middle  of  your  tail, 

Ikwiltato, You  are  carrying. 

Pitohopuhutavi, You  have  now  come, 

Uushikango, Dressed  up  to  the  dance  (ceremony); 

Yahapik  wolu  timahay,      ....  Yes,  well  now,  to  the  dance, 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  here, 

Timaiwishaahaaha, To  the  dance. 


13©       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

4.     To  the  East. 

Pahahawihiihi Come  this  way! 

Yoyahiwitaahaahaa Array  yourself! 

Pahahawihiihi,  ........  Come  this  way! 

Yoyahiwitaahaahaa, Array  yourself! 

Shuhuhhopohoqci, From  the  east, 

Totoloongwu, A  perfect  corn  ear,  (?) 

Tomaciinguu, My  clan  mother. 

Pohosiowu  vohokomuyu,  ....  Magpie  bird, 

Shurunahashayamuyu, In  the  middle  of  your  tail, 

Ikwiltato, You  are  carrying. 

Pitohopuhutavi, You  have  now  come, 

Uushikango, .  Dressed  up  to  the  dance  (ceremony); 

Yahapik  wolu  timahay,      ....  Yes,  well  now,  to  the  dance, 

Pahahawihiihi, Come  now, 

Timaiwishaahaaha To  the  dance. 


1.  Chochomingwu  really  means  a  corn  ear  filled  to  the  point  with  kernels. 

2.  The  word  fohko  (in  compound  words  vohko)  means  animal  and  is  used  either  alone 
(ivohko,  my  animal)  or  in  connection  with  the  name  of  the  animal  referred  to:  {ikaway-vohko,  my 
horse  animal;  itnotdvo/iko,  my  burro-animal);  but  is  used  of  birds  as  well:  [iiavamana-vohko, 
ichoro-vohko,  my  oriole  animal  or  bird,  my  bluebird  animal  or  bird) . 

3.  These  two  lines  refer  in  the  first  place  to  the  two  feathers  in  the  middle  of  the  tail  of  the 
oriole,  which  seem  to  be  preferred  to  the  others  for  ceremonial  purposes.  But  they  are  also  said  to 
refer  to  newly  married  women  (brides)  who  are  here  represented  by  the  different  birds  (see  the  dif- 
ferent verses)  and  who  appear  in  public  on  the  last  day  of  the  Niman  (farewell)  Katcina  ceremony 
in  summer,  which  is  also  under  the  direction  of  the  Powamu  fraternity  and  during  which  this  song 
is  also  sung.  They  are  then  dressed  in  their  white  bridal  robe  (pwa),  to  the  back  of  which  a  strand 
of  yarn  is  attached  on  that  occasion.    The  following  lines  also  refer  to  these  brides. 

4.  The  two  words  "^aA/i/fe"  and  "wolu"  are  exclamations  without  any  special  meaning 
and  hence  difficult  to  translate. 


THIRD  SONG. 
I.     To  the  North. 

Iwiwi  iwiwii  iwiwihi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwi  iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Hapi  uhura  Towanashabee,  .    .     .      Hapi,  ura,*  Towanashabee.' 


>Obscure. 


Takurii  kaae  tomaci''  inguu, .     .     .      Yellow  corn  ear,  my  clan*  mother. 

Kwiniwii  Tawamana, From  the  north  the  oriole. 

Nakway  akwa, For  prayer  head  dresses'*  (nakwaita). 

Timuyu  wangwayi  wangwayi,    .     .      Call  the  children!  call  the  children!^ 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, "^ 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, l>Obscure.. 

Iwiwika  iwiwihihi, J 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth. 


131 


2.     To  the  West. 

Iwiwi  iwiwii  iwiwihi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwi  iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

flapi  uhura  Towanashabee,  .     . 
Sakwapukae  tomaci  inguu,    .    . 

Tavanga  choro, From  the  west  the  bluebird. 

Nakway  akwa, For  prayer  head  dresses. 

Timuyi  wangwayi  wangwayi,    .     .      Call  the  children!  call  the  children 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, *i 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, >Obscure. 

Iwiwi'ka  iwiwihihi J 


>Obscure. 


Hapi,  ura,  Towanashabee. 
Blue  corn  ear,  my  clan  mother. 


3.     To  the  South. 

Iwiwi  iwiwii  iwiwihi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwi  iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Hapi  uhura  Towanashabee,  .    . 
Pawalakae  tomaci  inguu,  .    .    . 

Tatoe  karro, From  the  south  the  parrot. 

Nakway  akwa, For  prayer  head  dresses. 

Timuyu  wangwayi  wangwayi,    .     .      Call  the  children!  call  the  children! 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, J>Obscure. 

Iwiwika  iwiwihihi, 


>Obscure. 


Hapi,  ura,  Towanashabee. 
Red  corn  ear,  my  clan  mother. 


4.     To  the  East. 

Iwiwi  iwiwii  iwiwihi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi 

Iwiwi  iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi 

Hapi  uhura  Towanashabee,  .     . 
•Ooyawi  kare  tomaci  inguu,    .     . 

Hopoo  pociwu, From  the  east  the  magpie. 

Nakway  akwa, For  prayer  head  dresses. 

Timuyi,  wangwayi  wangwayi,    .    .      Call  the  children!  call  the  children! 

Iwiwika  iwiwi ^ 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, ^Obscure. 

Iwiwika  iwiwihihi J 


>Obscure. 


Hapi,  ura,  Towanashabee. 
White  corn  ear,  my  clan  mother. 


132       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 


5.     To  the  Northeast  {above). 

Iwiwi  iwiwii  iwiwihi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwi  iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Hapi  uhura  Towanashabee,  .    .    . 
Kokoma  kahae,  tomaci  inguu,   .    . 

Ohomi  Asya, 

Nakway  akwa, 

Timuyu,  wangwayi  wangwayi,   .    . 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwihihi 


>Obscure. 


Hapi,  ura,  Towanashabee. 

Black  corn  ear,  my  clan  mother. 

From  above  the  Asya  (unidentified). 

For  prayer  head  dresses. 

Call  the  children!  call  the  children! 


Obscure. 


6.     To  the  Southwest  {below). 

Iwiwi  iwiwii  iwiwihi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwi  iwiwika  iwiwi 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, 

Hapi  uhura  Towanashabee,  .     . 
Tawakchi  kae  tomaci  inguu, 


>Obscure. 


Hapi,  ura,  Towanashabee. 
Sweet  corn  ear,  my  clan  mother. 

Aatyamii  toposhkwa, From  below  toposhkwa  (unidentified), 

Nakway  akwa, For  prayer  head  dresses. 

Timuyu  wangwayi  wangwayi,    .     .      Call  the  children!  call  the  children! 

Iwiwika  iwiwi, •    ^ 

Iwiwika  iwiwi,  .     .     .    • SObscure. 

Iwiwika  iwiwihihi J 

Close. 

Iwiwika,  iwiwi. 

( These  words  are  sung  at  the  close  about  eight  times, 

although  sometimes  more,  sometimes  less)  and  then 

Iwiwiwika,  iwiwiwi-i. 

1.  These  two  words  have  no  special  meaning;  they  are  exclamations,  similar  to  our  "well," 
"well  now,"  or  the  German  " wohlanl"  "ei!"  "ei  nun!"  etc. 

2.  Towanashabee  is  a  place  a  few  miles  south  of  Oraibi,  where  the  Honani  clan  is  said  to 
have  lived.  Reference  is  also  sometimes  made  to  a  Towanashabee  Atyaka  (down  below)  some- 
where. 

3.  Tomaci,  from  tomci.  A  man  calls  any  woman  belonging  to  the  same  clan  iiomci,  ray 
iomci—my  clan  fellow  or  clan  sister.  Every  child  when  being  initiated  into  some  fraternity  is  given, 
a  corn  ear,  which  it  calls  forever  after  inguu,  my  mother,  because  it  is  said  the  Hopi  live  on  corn  as 
the  child  draws  life  from  the  mother.  Such  corn  ears  are  used  especially  in  the  women's  cere- 
monies, every  participant  having  a  corn  ear  which  she  calls  ingttu.  These  facts  must  be  borne  in 
mind  in  reading  this  line,  a  literal  translation  of  which  is  hardly  intelligible. 

4.  A  priest  stated  once  that  the  corn  ear,  when  looked  upon  as  a  "mother"  (see  previous 
note),  was  considered  as  a  mana,  virgin,  maiden. 

5.  The  feathers  worn  in  the  hair  of  the  participants  of  a  ceremony  are  called  nakwaita 
(wish,  prayer).  The  idea  expressed  here  is  that  these  birds  might  come  from  the  different  direc- 
tions as  their  feathers  are  wanted  for  prayer  offerings.  The  word  mostly  used  for  "to  pray"  is 
"  aonawakna." 

6.  Meaning  the  corn  ears  on  the. stalks,  which  are  usually  called  the  children  of  the  corn  stalk. 


Dec.  igoi.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth. 


133 


FOURTH  SONG. 


1.  To  the  North. 
Haowhaow  inguu,  Towanashabee 
Takuri  kae  haiinguu,     .... 
Utumu  namaa  akwiniwii  asika  iola 
Atimuuya  turn  wangwayiihi,  .     . 
Hapi,  yepe  umungem  passiohti/ 
Nayawunhoputa  chorowunhoputa- 

paassiohti, 

2.  To  the   West. 
Haowhaow  inguu,  Towanashabee 
Sakwapu  kae  haiinguu,     ... 
Utumu  namaa  tawanee  asakwa  iola 
Atimuuya  turn  wangwayiihi, .    . 
Hapi,  yepe  umungem  passiohti, 
Choronakhoputa     palanakhoputa' 

paassiohti, 


3.     To  the  South. 
Haowhaow  inguu,  Towanashabee 
Pawala  kae  haiinguu,    .... 
Utumu  namaa  atatoee  pala  iola, 
Atimuuya  turn  wangwayiihi, .     . 
Hapi,  yepe  umungem  passiohti, 
Palanakhoputa       shaatsinhoputa 
paassiohti, 


4.     To  the  East. 
Haowhaow  inguu,  Towanashabee 

Qoyawi  kae  haiinguu 

Utumu  namaa  ahopoo  aqocha  iola 
Atimuuya  turn  wangwayiihi, .     . 
Hapi,  yepe  umungem  passiohti, 
Shaatsinhoputa     nayawunhoputa* 
paassiohti, 


Haowhaow,'  my  mothjer,  Towanashabee.* 

(The)  yellow  corn  ear,  my  mother. 

Let  us  go  together  north  to  the  yellow  iola.' 

The  children,  let  us  call  (them). 

Hapi,  here  we  have  for  you  a  ceremony. 

'See  note. 


Haowhaow,  my  mother,  Towanashabee. 

The  blue  corn  ear,  my  mother. 

Let  us  go  together  west  to  the  green  iola. 

The  children,  let  us  call  (them). 

Hapi,  here  we  have  for  you  a  ceremony. 

■See  note. 


Haowhaow,  my  mother,  Towanashabee. 

The  red  corn  ear,  my  mother. 

Let  us  go  together  south  to  the  red  iola. 

The  children,  let  us  call  (them). 

Hapi,  here  we  have  for  you  a  ceremony. 

■  See  note. 


Haowhaow,  my  mother,  Towanashabee. 

(The)  white  corn  ear,  my  mother. 

Let  us  go  together  east  to  the  white  iola. 

The  children,  let  us  call  (them). 

Hapi,  here  we  have  for  you  a  ceremony. 

-See  note. 


1.  An  exclamation,  difficult  to  translate;  similar  to  "  oh." 

2.  See  note  on  Towanashabee  under  third  song. 

3.  Iola  is  an  archaic  word.  It  very  likely  means  corn  ear.  One  priest  said  that  he  had 
heard  it  meant  mother. 

4.  The  exact  meaning  of  the  word  passiohti  is  somewhat  obscure.  Sometimes  it  is  used 
where  we  would  use  such  terms  as  "ended,"  "  finished."  "  completed."  But  it  also  seems  to  have 
a  meaning  that  refers  to  religious  exercises,  and  further  investigations  will  probably  show  that  it 
may  properly  be  translated:  "to  hold  a  ceremony,"  to  "worship,"  etc.  And  some  such  a  meaning 
it  very  likely  has  here  in  this  song.    Different  forms  of  the  word  exist. 

5.  Having  thus  far  been  unable  to  find  the  meaning  of  archaic  word  hofiuta,  I  am  at  a  loss 
how  to  translate  this  line.  One  priest  thought  lioputa  referred  to  the  beads  and  ear  pendants  worn 
by  the  priests  and  also  by  various  fetishes  in  the  ceremonies.  But  I  am  much  more  inclined  to 
believe  that  it  refers  to  the  small  stones  and  pieces  of  shell  lying  by  the  sides  of  the  corn  ears 
around  the  medicine  bowl  in  nearly  every  ceremony.  In  the  first  place,  certain  Hopi  songs  do  refer 
to  them;  secondly,  an  old  man,  one  of  the  best  authorities  on  songs  in  Oraibi,  gave  me  the  following 
"  old  "  words  for  these  objects.    Some  of  them  occur  in  this  song: 


134       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 


} 


These  three  are 
given  in  a  different 
order  by  others. 


(i)    Naydwuna,  a  yellowish  white  stone  (north', 
(a)    Sowimina  (now  generally  called  choshmuma),  turquoise  (west). 
(3)     Wa-wuna,  a  pink  stone  of  which  certain  beads  are  made  (south). 
(4)'  Shaatcina,  a  whitish  pearly  substance  from  shells  (east). 

(5)  i4»7i/a«^a,  a  black  stone  (above). 

(6)  Tcimotcima.  a  grayish  stone  (below). 

So  if  this  opinion  be  correct— and  I  am  inclined  to  so  consider  it  until  a  better  one  is  found — 
this  line  would  refer  to  the  whitish  yellow  or  yellowish  white  object  (Nayawuna)  on  the  north  and 
the  green  object  on  the  west  side  of  the  medicine  bowl,  etc.  Attention  is  here  drawn  to  the  fact  that 
in  every  verse  first  the  object  is  mentioned  of  the  direction  or  cardinal  point  towards  which  that  verse 
is  sung  and  the  one  belonging  to  the  next  direction,  an  order  of  things  which  the  author  has 
observed  in  other  Hopi  songs. 

6.  Referring  to  the  green  stone  on  the  west  and  the  red  stone  (or  sometimes  shell)  on  the 
south  of  the  medicine  bowl.    Others  give  wawuna  for  west,  sowimina  for  the  south. 

7.  Referring  to  the  red  stone  (or  shell)  on  the  south,  or  the  white  on  the  east  side. 

8.  Referring  to  the  white  stone,  Shaatcina  (archaic) ,  or  shell,  on  the  east,  and  the  yellowish 
stone,  nayawuna,  on  the  north  side.    Others  give  sowimina  for  the  east. 


FIFTH   SONG. 
{Whistling  Song}) 
I.     To  the  North. 

Ahayihi  ahayihi, 

Ayihi  ayihi, 

Ahayihi  ahayihi  ahayihi,    .     .     . 

Ayihi  ayihi  ahayihi, 

Iki  oohove, My  house  above. 


>Meaning  obscure. 


Oriole  ingwato.' 

Whistle  to  the  different  cardinal  points!? 

Meaning  obscure. 

Meaning  obscure. 


>Meaning  obscure. 


Tanvamanaoo  ingwato*  .  .  . 
Nahahoi  ttihotoqimahahahai,  . 
Shoholahawaka*  vihimahay,  .  . 
Kuwanhawaka*  vihimahay,"  .  . 
Ahahayihihi  ahahayihihi,  .     .    . 

Ahayihi  ahayihi, 

Ayihi  ayihi, 

Ahayihi  ahayihi  ahayihi,    .     .     . 

Ayihi  ayihi, 

Ahayihi, 

2.  To  the  West. 

Chohoro  ingwato,* Bluebird  ingwato. 

3.  To  the  South. 

Kaharo  ingwato,* Parrot  ingwato. 

4.  To  the  East. 

Pohosionv  ingwato,* Magpie  ingwato. 

5 .  To  the  Northeast  [above). 

Ahasya  ingwato,* Asya  ingwato. 

6.  To  the  Southwesti^below). 

Topockwa  ingwato,* Roadrunner  ingwato 

Ahahayihi  ahahayihihi,'    .... 


♦This  is  the  only  line  that  varies  in  the  different  stanzas  and  so  this  line  only  is  given  in  five 
stanzas.    Besides  this  the  whole  stanza  as  given  for  the  north  is  sung  to  each  cardinal  point. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  135 

1.  Because  while  sung:  one  of  the  priests,  in  this  case  the  chief  priest,  blows  with  the  bone 
whistle,  totdeqpi,  into  the  medicine  bowl  at  stated  intervals. 

2.  An  archaic  word  whith  may  mean,  "  come  here! " 

3.  When  this  line  is  sunt;  the  whistle  is  blown. 

4.  This  word  is  not  understood;  someone' thought  it   meant    "good,"    but  that  is   very 
doubtful. 

5.  Also  an  archaic  word;  but  one  of  the  priests  suggested  that  it  meant  happy,  saying  that 
it  is  derived  from  wimaa. 

6.  May  mean  beautiful,  from  kuwawauna? 

7.  These  two  words  are  sung  after  the  sixth  stanza  only. 


SIXTH    SONG. 
Chochong  {Smoking)  Song. 
Tomuhoviyooonahay,     ...     . 
Toohomuhoviyooonahay,  . 
Tomuhoviyooonahay,     .     . 
Tohohomohoviyooonahay, 
And  hawiyoonahay,  .     .     . 
Aaahanahaviyooonahay,    . 
Anahaviyoonahay,     .     .    . 
Ahahanahaviyooonahay,* . 


♦This  song  is  sung  four  times  without  any  variations.  It  is  probable  that  it  is  a  remnant  of 
an  obsolete  song,  this  being  all  the  priests  know  about  it.  The  author  has  noticed  on  other  occa- 
sions that  where  parts  of  old  songs  seem  to  be  forgotten,  the  parts  that  are  Icnown  are  sung  instead 
and  frequently  repeated.  An  old  priest  said  he  had  heard  that  ana  was  an  old  word  for 
tobacco.  It  is  not  quite  apparent  why  the  song  is  called  Smoking  Song,  no  special  smoking  taking 
place  while  it  is  being  sung.  This  may,  however,  be  the  case  in  other  ceremonies,  several  of  the 
Powamu  songs  also  being  used  by  other  societies. 


SEVENTH   SONG. 
( Yonawi.'^) 


Ha  ayo  ayo  ayo  aye  ayo  ayo  nayiwaa,*  •  .  . 
Ha  ayo  ayo  ayo  ayo  ayo  ayo  nayiwaa,  .  .  .  . 
Hatumu  tumu  tiimu  tumu  tumu  tumu  nayonaa," 
Hatumu  tumu  tumu  tumu  tumu  tiimu  nayonaa, 


*This  song  is  sung  four  times  without  any  variations. 

1.  From  yona,  to  owe  something,  to  be  indebted  to. 

2.  The  words  in  this  line  seem  to  be  archaic.  Someone  suggested  that  ayo  meant  "here," 
and  an  old  man  from  another  village  stated  that  nayiwaa  meant  "  cold,"  but  neither  could  thus  far 
be  confirmed. 

3.  //<z/«»««  means  "  Let  us  go!"  "Go  we!"  and  nayonaa,  "we  owe  each  other,"  or  are 
"indebted  to  each  other."  Several  members  of  the  Powamu  fraternity,  when  asked  independently 
of  each  other,  insisted  that,  while  they  did  not  know  the  meaning  of  the  first  line,  the  second  was 
supposed  to  be  a  response,  as  it  were,  by  the  cloud  deities  or  chiefs  {mongvitu),  the  sense  being 
this:  "We  are  indebted  to  the  Powamu  priests  because  they  have  made  prayer  offerings  for  us,  so 
let  us  go  and  bring  them  rain."  A  knowledge  of  the  meaning  of  the  first  line  would,  of  course, 
throw  light  on  the  meaning  of  the  second  line.  This  is  very  likely  a  fragment  of  an  old  song. 
Fragments  of  ancient  songs  are  not  infrequently  sung  over  and  over  again  in  Hopi  ceremonies. 

One  priest  also  suggested  that  this  last  word  was  derived  from  tiagung-wa,  an  old  form  for 
"glad,"  " happy." 


136       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  Ill, 

EIGHTH   SONG. 

Aniyaaniyahana, 

Aniyahaniyaahana, 

Aniyahaniyaahana, 

Aniyaaniyahana, 

Aniyahaniyaahana, 

Aniyahaniyaahana, 

I.     To  the  North. 

Hakwavostotini  yaaaovaya,  .     .     . 
Hakwavostotini  yaaaovaya,  .     .     . 

Tawapahano  ahamo, 

Aniyahaniyahana, 

Aniyahaniyahahana?* 

•This  stanza  is  repeated  in  exactly  the  same  manner  in  the  other  five  directions.  At  the- 
close  the  three  lines  which  are  repeated  once  before  the  first  stanza  are  repeated  twice. 

The  meaning  of  this  song  is  no  longer  known.  Uakwawostotini  means  "buffalo  hide  mask  " 
in  the  hissat  la-aiaiit  (ancient  language).  Tawapahano  may  refer  to  the  sun  {iawa),  or,  rather,  as 
one  priest  suggested,  to  the  setting  of  the  sun. 

NINTH   SONG. 

Aaniiyana, 1  These  three  lines  are  also  sung  at  the  con- 

Aaniiyana, I        elusion  of  the  fourth  stanza.    The  mean- 

Aniyana, J         ing  is  obscure. 

I.     To  the  North. 
Aniiyana  aniiyarva  aniyana,   .     .     . 
Aniiyana  aniiyana  aniyana,   .     .     . 

Hiiinoaha, 

Hanati  tama  VWords  archaic;  meaning  not  known. 

Muuta  raaow  koyana, 

Aniiyana  aniyana,* 


*This  stanza  is  repeated  to  the  west,  south  and  east. 

TENTH    SONG. 
I.     To  the  North. 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hipahaianiiyahahahaana |>Meaning  obscure. 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,      .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 
Itaham  hahahacihita  sivahavayina,    .      We  are  happy' over  the  haci.' 
Itaham  hahahacihita  sivahavayina,     .      We  are  happy  over  the  haci. 
Umiingaham    kuwahaaow   unanwaha 

kwushihiwaniwa! May  it  bring  you  a  beautiful' heartl 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth. 


137 


Umungaham  wopahakatchihi  kwushi- 

hiwaniwa! 

Hinahaianibiyahaha, . 

Nahahahai,* 

2.  To  the  West. 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,      .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,  .  . 
Itaham  chorohocihita  sivahavayina,  . 
Itaham  chorohocihita  sivahavayina,  . 
Umungaham   kuwahaaow   unanwaha 

kwushihiwaniwa! 

Umungaham  wopahakatchihi  kwushi- 
hiwaniwa!     

Hinahaianihiyahaha, 

Nahahahai, 

3.  To  the  South. 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana,  .  ,  .  .  . 
Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,  .  . 
Itaham  manahacihita  sivahavayina,  . 
Itaham  manahacihita  sivahavayina,  . 
Umungaham   kuwahaaow   unanwaha 

kwushihiwaniwa! 

Umungaham  wopahakatchihi  kwushi- 
hiwaniwa!     

Hinahaianihiyahaha, 

Nahahahai, 

4.  To  the  East. 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana,  .  .  .  .  . 
Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,      .     . 


May  it  bring  you  a  long  life! 
[-Meaning  obscure. 


►Meaning  obscure. 


We  are  happy  over  the  choroci.* 
We  are  happy  over  the  choroci. 

May  it  bring  you  a  beautiful  heart  1 

May  it  bring  you  a  long  life! 
■Meaning  obscure. 


"Meaning  obscure. 


We  are  happy  over  the  manaci.' 
We  are  happy  over  the  manaci. 

May  it  bring  you  a  beautiful  heart  I 

May  it  bring  you  a  long  life! 
■Meaning  obscure. 


/Meaning  obscure. 


138       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 


Itaham  polihicihita  sivahavayina,  .     . 

Itaham  polihicihita  sivahavayina,  .     . 

Umungaham  kuwahaaow  unanwaha 
kwushihiwaniwa! 

Umungaham  wopahakatchihi  kwushi- 
hiwaniwa!     

Hinahaianihiyahaha, 

Nahahahai, 

5.  To  the  Northeast  {above). 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,  .  . 
Itaham  akahaucihita  sivahavayina,  . 
Itaham  akahaucihita  sivahavayina,  . 
Umungaham  kQwahaaow   unanwaha 

kwushihiwaniwa! 

Umungaham  wopahakatchihi  kwushi- 
hiwaniwa!     

Hinahaianihiyahaha, 

Nahahahai, 

6.  To  the  Southwest  {below). 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,       .     . 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianiiyahahahaana, 

Hinahaianihiyahahanahahahai,  .  . 
Itaham  sokohocihita  sivahavayina,  . 
Itaham  sokohocihita  sivahavayina,  . 
Umungaham   kuwahaaow  unanwaha 

kwushihiwaniwa! 

Umungaham  wopahakatchihi  kwushi- 
hiwaniwa!     

Hinahaianihiyahaha, 

Nahahahai, 


We  are  happy  over  the  polici." 
We  are  happy  over  the  polici. 

May  it  bring  you  a  beautiful  heart! 

May  it  bring  you  a  long  life! 
-Meaning  obscure. 


'Meaning  obscure. 


We  are  happy  over  the  akanci'(sunflower). 
We  are  happy  over  the  akanci  (sunflower). 

May  it  bring  you  a  beautiful  heart! 

May  it  bring  you  a  long  life! 
-Meaning  obscure. 


►Meaning  obscure. 


We  are  happy  over  the  cokoci.* 
We  are  happy  over  the  cokoci. 

May  it  bring  you  a  beautiful  heart! 

May  it  bring  you  a  long  life! 
-Meaning  obscure. 


I.  The  word  jm'a7«'a«)'»«a,  "we  are  happy,"  or  "  we  rejoice,"  may  also  be  derived  from  «w«7- 
tangwu,  which  means  "to  grow,"  "to  thrive,"  "to  develop,"  and  is  used  of  growing,  thriving 
people,  branches,  vines,  etc.,  and  one  Powamu  priest  suggested  that  the  word  might  here  have  that 
meaning,  in  which  case  this  line  in  the  different  stanzas  would  mean:  "  We  thrive,"  or  rather,  "  may 
we  thrive,"  or  "grow,"  "develop,"  like  the  Kiici^  choroci,  etc. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  139 

2.  The  word  ku7vdnaoo  has  different  meanings,  but  here  undoubtedly  means  "fine," 
"  beautiful,"  "  handsome."  A  variety  of  the  Tatcioq  Katcina  is  called  'Kuwan  Tatcidqti  on  account 
of  its  handsome  decorations. 

3.  Had  (Calochortus  aureus,  Wats.).  Girls  get  the  blossoms  occasionally  and  the  boys  of 
the  village  try  to  take  them  away  from  them. 

4.  Choroci,  bluebird  blossom  (Phocelia  ileyxifolia,  Torr.)?  This  herb  is  a  good  feed  for 
stock,  though  it  is  a  little  doubtful  whether  this  variety  is  meant. 

5.  Manci,  girl  or  maiden  blossom (Castilleya  linearifolia,  Bentham).  Used  as  a  "flower"  by 
children,  also  as  a  coloring  material. 

6.  Polici,  butterfly  blossom  (Anothera  albicaulis,  Nutt).  A  good  feed  for  stock.  Also  used 
by  ihe  Nayang^aptumci,  a  woman  representingchisdeity  in  the  A/arax  ceremony.  It  is  furthermore 
used  as  a  medicine  for  sterility. 

7.  Akanci,  sunflower  blossom  (Helianthus  annuus,  Linn.)  A  good  stock  feed.  The  powder 
of  the  yellow  blossoms  is  used  to  decorate  the  faces  of  certain  personages  in  the  Oaqol  and  Logon 
ceremonies. 

8.    Coksi,  unidentified  plant. 

ELEVENTH    SONG. 

Pichangw    Tawi  {Face  Decorating-  Song). 

A.    First  Circuit. 

1.  To  the  North. 

Shiwahawai  nuuhuuiahai I  am  happy  (or  rejoicing"). 

Shiwahawai  nuuhuuiahai,  ....  I  am  happy  (or  rejoicing). 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Takuri  kahaehe,  tumaci^  inguu,     .  (The)  yellow  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother.* 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow*  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai Being  clothed,*  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai,       Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Hahaci  uyiyuhui,       .  • (Over  the)  Haci*  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayitja  nuuhuuhuiyahai,       .  I  am  happy. 

2.  To  the  West. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Sakwapu  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,  .  (The)  green  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother, 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Choroci  uyiyuhui,       «  (Over  the)  bluebird  blossom  plantj 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 

3.  To  the  South. 

Shiwahawai  nuuhuuiaha,*  ....  I  am  happy  (or  rejoicing). 

Shiwahawai  nuuhuuiaha,  ....  I  am  happy  (or  rejoicing). 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Pawala  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,     .  (The)  red  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai,       Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Manaci  uyiyuhui,       (Over  the)  maiden  blossom  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,       .  I  am  happy. 


140      Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

4.  To  the  East. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Qoyawi  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,      .  (The)  white  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai,       Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Polici  uyiyQhui, (Over  the)  butterfly  blossom, 

Plchangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,       .  I  am  happy. 

5.  To  the  Northeast  {above). 

Shiwahawai  nuuhuuiahai/      ...  I  am  happy  (or  rejoicing). 

Shiwahawai  nuuhuuiahai I  am  happy  (or  rejoicing). 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Kokoma  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,    .  (The)  black  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Akanci  uyiyiihui (Over  the)  sunflower  blossom  plant, 

Plchangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 

6.  To  the  Southwest  {below). 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Tawakchi  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,  (The)  sweet  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Shokoci  uyiyuhui, (Over)  shokoci*  blossom  plants, 

Plchangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .    .  I  am  happy. 

B,    Second  Circuit. 

1.  To  the  North. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Takuri  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,.    .  (The)  yellow  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Homici  uyiyuhui, (Over  the)  shelled  corn  blossom  plant, 

Plchangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 

2.  To  the  West. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Sakwapu  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,  .  (The)  green  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Morici  iayiyuhui, (Over  the)  bean  blossom  plant, 

Plchangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  141 

3.  To  the  South. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Pawala  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,      .  (The)  red  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Batangci  Qyiyuhui, (Over  the)  squash  blossom  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 

4.  To  the  East. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Qoyawi  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,     .  (The)  white  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Pichinci  iiyiyuhui, (Over  the)  cotton  blossom  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 

5.  To  the  Northeast  {above) ^ 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Kokoma  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,    .  (The)  black  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Kawaici  uyiyuhui, (Over  the)  watermelon  blossom  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 

6.  To  the  Southwestibelow). 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Tawakchi  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,  .  (The)  sweet  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai, May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Melonci  uyiyuhui, (Over  the)  melon  blossom  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 


C.  Third  Circuit. 
I.     To  the  North. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Takuri  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,.    .  (The)  yellow  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai! May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Talaoci  iiyiyuhui, (Over  the)  dawn  blossom  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 


142       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

2.  To  the  West. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Sakwapu  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,  .  (The)  green  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwiiiimuyuhai! May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Tokwunangwci  uyiyuhui,  ....  (Over  the)  tokwunangw*  blossom  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am- happy. 

3.  To  the  South. 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Pawala  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,     .  (The)  red  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai! May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai, Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Katcici  uyiyiihui, (Over  the)  "life  blossom  "'"  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 

4.  To  the  East. 

Shiwahawai  nuuhuuiahai,  ....  I  am  happy  (or  rejoicing). 

Shiwahawai  nuuhuuiahai,  ....  I  am  happy  (or  rejoicing). 

Hapi  ma  ayamo,  Towanashabeehe,  Hapi  ma,  over  yonder  at  Towanashabee. 

Qciyawi  kahaehe,  tumaci  inguu,     .  (The)  white  corn  ear,  my  (clan)  mother. 

Tiwungwinimuyuhai! May  the  children  grow  (become  large)! 

Yuwashinaaahai, Being  clothed,  ahahahai,  etc. 

Ahahaiahai,  .     .    ' Ahahahai  (obscure). 

Tawici  uyiyiihui," (Over  the)  water  gourd  blosssom  plant, 

Pichangwatoyahai, For  decorating  faces, 

Shiwawayina  nuuhuuhuiyahai,  .     .  I  am  happy. 

1.  See  note  i,  Tenth  Song. 

2.  The  rendering,  "  my  clan  njother,"  may  upon  further  investigation  be  found  inaccurate; 
the  word  tumact  is  derived  from  iumci.  .\  man  calls  a  woman  who  belongs  to  the  same  clan  to  which 
he  belongs  his  tumct,  "  clan  fellow"  or  "  clan  sister,"  though  neither  of  these  words  is  a  literal  trans- 
lation of  the  word  tumci.  It  may  be  that  "  my  clan  fellow  (/«;««),  mother,"  would  be  a  better  render- 
ing of  the  expression, '7M»2ac/m^t<M."  than  the  one  given,  but  neither  seems  tobe  quite  satisfactory. 

The  objects  referred  to  here  are  the  differently  colored  corn  ears  around  the  medicine  bowl. 
They  are  called  "  mother"  because— the  Hopi  say— as  the  child  lives  from  the  mother,  so  the  Hopi 
live  principally  upon  corn. 

3.  The  growing  corn  ears  on  the  corn  stalk  are  here  referred  to.  Instead  of  saying,  "  the 
corn  stalk  has  ears,"  he  says,  "  the  corn  (stalk)  has  children"  (,timuita) . 

4.  Namely,  with  the  layers  of  corn  husks. 

5.  For  the  technical  terms  of  the  herbs  named  in  the  First  Circuit,  see  the  notes  3-6,  inclu- 
sive, on  the  Tenth  Song. 

6.  Why  these  two  introductory  lines  are  sung  at  the  beginning  of  this  stanza  only  is  not 
known.  I  have  noticed,  however,  that  a  great  deal  of  irregularity  exists  in  using  those  lines  that 
either  have  no  meaning  or  of  which  the  meaning  has  become  obsolete.  Sometimes  they  are  sung, 
sometimes  not.  .\lso  the  number  of  times  they  are  sung  varies  in  the  different  ceremonies.  They 
mostly  seem  to  be  omitted  for  the  west,  east  and  below.    See  next  note. 

7.  These  two  lines  were  here  sung  on  some  occasions,  on  others  they  were  left  out.  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  that  originally  they  were  sung  in  connection  with  every  stanza. 

8.  Shokosi  means  "  all  kinds  of  blossoms." 

g.  Lathyrus  pluster,  Linn.  The  word  tukiuimagwu  refers  to  certain  ridge-like  clouds, 
after  which  also  the  ridges  or  segments  on  the  mask  of  the  Tokwunangw  Katcina  are  named. 

10.  This  is  the  literal  translation  of  the  Hopi  name,  but  the  plant  has  not  yet  been  identified 

11.  Reference  is  here  made  to  the  various  forms  of  the  gourd  (taunya)  used  by  the  Hopi  for 
water  vessels. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth. 


143 


TWELFTH   SONG. 

( Shishntangnihkani} 

A.    First  Circuit. 


1.  To  the  North. 

Ha-o  inguul 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Shukwinina  takuri  inguu! .... 
Shu*  tatongval  hahacio  ciita,  .  . 
Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa,  .  .  . 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!^  .... 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango,  . 
Puta  winorzh"  ci'  navala  ikango,  . 
Tuhiyungwanita^tuhiyunwanitaha, 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu 

2.  To  the  West. 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Shuhtawanqo  sakwapu  inguu!  .  . 
Shuhopongwal  choroci  ciita, .  .  . 
Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa,  .  .  . 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!  .... 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango,  . 
Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango,  . 
Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyunwanitaha, 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu 

3.  To  the  South. 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Shuhtatyaqo  pavala  inguu! 
Shuhkwiniwi  manacio  ciita, 
Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa, 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!    . 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango, 
Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango, 
Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyunwanitaha, 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu 

4.  To  the  East. 

Ha-o  inguu! , 

Ha-o  inguu! , 

Shuhopoqi)  qoyawi  inguu! 
Shutavanga  policio  ciita,  , 
Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa, 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa! 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango, 
Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango, 
Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyunwanitaha, 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu 


Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  north,  yellow  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Due  southward,  blooming  haci,* 

Decorate  our  faces, 

Bless  us  with  flowers!* 

Thus  being  face  decorated. 

Being  blessed  with  flowers. 

We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o,  my  mother. 


Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  west,  blue  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Due  eastward,  blooming  bluebird  flower, 

Decorate  our  faces, 

Bless  us  with  powers! 

Thus  being  face  decorated. 

Being  blessed  with  flowers, 

We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o,  my  mother. 


Ha  o,  my  mother!  i 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  south,  red  corn  ear,  my  mother!    . 

Due  northward,  blooming  maiden  blossom. 

Decorate  our  faces. 

Bless  us  with  flowers! 

Thus  being  face  decorated. 

Being  blessed  with  flowers. 

We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o,  my  mother. 


Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  east,  white  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Due  westward,  blooming  butterfly  flower. 

Decorate  our  faces. 

Bless  us  with  flowers! 

Thus  being  face  decorated. 

Being  blessed  with  flowers. 

We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o,  my  mother. 


144       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.  III. 


5.  To  the  Northeast  {above) 

Ha-oinguu! 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Shuongaqo  kokoma  inguiil     .     . 
Shuatyami  akaucio  ciita,   ... 

Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa,  .  . 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!  .  .  . 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango, 
Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango, 
Tuhiyungwanita,tuhiyunwanitaha 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu 

6.  To  the  Southwest (beloiv) 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Shuatyaqo  tawakchi  inguu!   .     . 
Shuomingval  cokocio  ciita,    .     . 

Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa,  .  . 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!  .  .  . 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango, 
Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango, 
Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyun  wanitaha, 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu 


Ha-o,  my  mother! 
Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  above,  black  corn  ear,  my  mother! 
Due  (or  straight)  downward,  blooming  sun- 
flower, 
Decorate  our  faces, 
Bless  us  with  flowers! 
Thus  being  face  decorated, 
Being  blessed  with  flowers, 
We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 
Ha-o,  my  mother. 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  below,  sweet  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Due  (or  straight)  upward,  blooming  all  kinds 

of  flowers. 
Decorate  our  faces. 
Bless  us  with  flowers! 
Thus  being  face  decorated, 
Being  blessed  with  flowers. 
We  sliall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 
Ha-o,  my  mother. 


B.    Second  Circuit. 


1.  To  the  North. 
Ha-o  inguu!  .     .     .     .  -  .     . 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Shu  kwinina  takuri  inguu, 
Shutatongval  homiuyi  ciita, 
Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa, 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!    . 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango, 
Puta  wmorzh  ci  navala  ikango, 
Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyun  wanitaha 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu 

2.  To  the  West. 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Ha-o  inguu!  .     .         .... 

Shuhtawango  sakwapu  inguu! 
Shuhopongval  moriuyi  ciita,  . 
Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa, 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!    .     . 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango, 
Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango, 
Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyunwanitaha, 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu 


Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  north,  yellow  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Due  southward,  blooming  corn  plant, 

Decorate  our  faces, 

Bless  us  with  flowers! 

Thus  being  face  decorated, 

Being  blessed  with  flowers, 

We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o,  my  mother. 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  west,  blue  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Due  eastward,  blooming  bean  plant, 

Decorate  our  faces, 

Bless  us  with  flowers! 

Thus  being  face  decorated, 

Being  blessed  with  flowers, 

We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o,  my  mother. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  145 

3.     To  the  South. 

Ha-o  inguu! 

Ha  o  inguu! 

Shuhtatyaqo  pavala  inguu!    . 
Shuhkwiniwi  batanguyi  ciita, 
Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa, 
Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!    .     . 
Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango, 
Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango 


Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Due  south,  red  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Due  northward,  blooming  squash  plant, 

Decorate  our  faces, 

Bless  us  with  flowers! 

Thus  being  face  decorated, 

Being  blessed  with  flowers, 
Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyunwanitaha.      We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 
Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu Ha-o,  my  mother. 


4.  To  the  East. 

Ha-o  inguu!  .    , Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o  inguu! Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Shuhopoqo  qoyawi  inguuu!    .    .    .  Due  east,  white  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Shutawanga  pichinuyi  ciita,  .    .     .  Due  westward,  blooming  cotton  plant, 

Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa,      .     .    .  Decorate  our  faces, 

Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!    ....  Bless  us  with  flowers! 

Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango,     .  Thus  being  face  decorated, 

Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango,    .  Being  blessed  with  flowers, 

Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyunwanitaha,  We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o  inguuhuhu Ha-o,  my  mother. 

5.  To  the  Northeast  {above). 

Ha-o  inguu! Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o  inguu! Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Shuongaqo  kokoma  inguu!     .     .     .  Due  above,  black  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Shuatyami  kawaiuyi  ciita,      .     .     .  Due  downward,  watermelon  plant, 

Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa,     .     .     .  Decorate  our  faces, 

Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!    ....  Bless  us  with  flowers! 

Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango,     .  Thus  being  face  decorated, 

Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango,     .  Being  blessed  with  flowers, 

Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyunwanitaha.  We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu Hao,  my  mother. 

6.  To  the  Southwest{below). 

Ha-o  inguu! Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Ha-o  inguu! Ha-o,  my  mother! 

Shuatyaqo  tawakchi  inguu!    .     .     .  Due  below,  sweet  corn  ear,  my  mother! 

Shuomingwal  melonuyi  ciita,     .     .  Due  upward,  blooming  melon  plant, 

Itamuyu  pichangwatoyaa,      .     .     .  Decorate  our  faces, 

Itamuyu  ci  navalatoyaa!    ....  Bless  us  with  flowers! 

Puta  winorzh  pichangwaikango,     .  Thus  being  face  decorated, 

Puta  winorzh  ci  navala  ikango,     .  Being  blessed  with  flowers, 

Tuhiyungwanita,  tuhiyunwanitaha.  We  shall  be  delighted,  we  shall  be  delighted, 

Ha-o  inguuhuhuhu, Ha-o,  rriy  mother. 


1.  Blossom  or  flower  simile. 

2.  See  note  3,  Discharraing  Song. 

3.  For  technical  names  of  herbs  named  in  First  Circuit,  see  notes  on  Tenth  Song. 


146      Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol,   III. 

4.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  author  has  spent  considerable  time  with  s^everal  men, 
making  several  of  them  nearly  disgusted  with  his  apparent  stupidity,  he  has  been  unable  to  get  a 
satisfactory  meaning  of  the  word  navala,  here  translated  with  "  bless."  The  men  usually  try  to 
explain  its  meaning  by  such  illustrations  as  these:  If  a  priest  has  his  ceremony  for  rain,  or  Kat- 
cinas  dance  for  rain,  and  it  rains,  that  rain  is  their  navala;  if  a  "doctor"  cures  a  patient,  that 
patient's  recovered  health  is  the  "doctor's"  navala,  etc.  So  it  seems  that  "blessing,",  "gift," 
"  benefit,"  etc.,  would  be  proper  renderings.  But  it  is  said  that  if  the  heart  of  those  rain-makers 
or  the  "doctor"  be  not  good  and  sand-storms  or  death  are  the  result  of  their  efforts,  these  evil 
results  would  also  be  said  to  be  their  navala.  In  this  case  the  term  "  blessing"  would,  of  course, 
seem  to  be  improper,  unless  it  be — as  it  perhaps  would  be— used  ironically. 

5.  Here  are  meant  the  flowers  or  blossoms  of  the  various  herbs  and  plants  used  by  the  Hopi 
for  various  purposes. 

6.  The  word  ivinonh  seems  to  be  archaic.  Several  meanings  (,nuu,  I,  kush,  an  excla- 
mation) were  suggested,  but  as  they  are  doubtful,  the  correctness  of  the  translation  of  a  part  of 
this  line  cannot  be  vouched  for 

7.  a,  abbreviation  of  cihu,  flower  blossom. 

8.  Tuhiytcngwa,  here  translated  "  delighted,"  has  also  different  meanings,  "amused," 
"  entertained,"  etc. 

9.  It  will  be  noticed  that  in  this  line  in  all  the  verses  the  opposite  direction  from  the  one- 
towards  which  the  song  is  chanted  is  named,  as  those  flowers  are  supposed  to  come  from  the  last 
named  points. 

THIRTEENTH   SONG. 

1.  To  the  North. 
Ayaikohowihi, 
Hahaokoshtowi, 
Nakaaoka  cikaniyashtaye, 
Nakaiooaaa,  hinohino, 
Poholaina,  Payatamu, 
Muuta  tomaa,  toma. 

2.  To  the   West. 
Ayaikohowihi, 
Hahaokoshtowi, 
Nakaaaka  cikaniyashtaye, 
Nakaiooaaa,  hinohino, 
Poholaina,  Payatamu, 
Muuta  tomaa,  toma. 

3.  To  the  South. 
Ayaikohowihi, 
Hahaokoshtowi, 
Nakaaoka  cikaniyashtaye, 
Nakaiooaaa,  hinohino, 
Poholaina,  Payatamu, 
Muuta  tomaa,  toma. 

4.  To  the  East. 
Ayaikohowihi, 
Hahaokoshtowi, 
Nakaaoka  cikaniyashtaye, 
Nakaiooaaa,  hinohino, 
Poholaina,  Payatamu, 
Muuta  tomaa,  toma.* 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu. Ceremony — Voth.  147 

1.  To  the  North? 

Ikimaa, 

Ikimaabaaaha, 

Ikimahaaa, 

Ikimaa, 

Ikimaabaaaha, 

Ikimahaaa, 

Amonene  baram6ni, 

Waapunima, 

Ikimabahaa. 

2.  To  the  West. 
Ikimaa, 
Ikimaabaaaha, 
Ikimahaaa, 

Ikimaa, 

Ikimaabaaaha, 

Ikimahaaa, 

Amonene  haramoni, 

Waapunima, 

Ikimabahaa. 

3.  To  the  South. 

Ikimaa, 

Ikimaabaaaha, 

Ikimahaaa, 

Ikimaa, 

Ikimaabaaaha, 

Ikimahaaa, 

Amonene  haramoni, 

Waapunima, 

Ikimabahaa. 

4.  To  the  East. 
Ikimaa, 
Ikimaabaaaha, 
Ikimahaaa, 

Ikimaa, 

Ikimaabaaaha, 

Ikimahaaa, 

Amonene  haramoni, 

Waapunima, 

Ikimabahaa.^ 

Ikimaa, 

Ikimaabaaaha, 

Ikimahaaa. 


I.  No  one  could  gire  me  any  explanation  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  words  in  this  song.  The 
only  word  that  can  be  recognized  as  a  Hopiword  is  Pay&tamu  in  the  second  last  line.  But  whether 
that  .efers  to  the  Katcina  or  to  the  teutskutu  (clowns)  of  that  name  can,  of  course,  not  be  deter- 
mined as  long  as  no  other  words  in  the  song  are  understood. 


148       Field  Columbian  Museum- — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

2.  This  second  part  of  the  song  differs  so  radically  from  the  first  part  that  there  seems  to  be 
very  little  doubt  about  this  having  been  a  separate  song-.  It  is  also  more  than  probable  that  origi- 
nally at  least  some  lines  or  words  in  the  different  stanzas  varied.  This  is  one  of  the  occasions 
which  were  mentioned  in  a  foot  note  on  a  preceding  song  that  certain  parts  of  obsolete  songs  are 
sung  over  and  over  again. 

3.  Repeated  inquiry  as  to  the  meaning  of  the  words  in  this  second  part  of  this  song  failed  to 
elicit  any  explanation  whatsoever.  They  all  seem  to  be  either  archaic  or  derived  from  the  Zuni  or 
Pueblo  Indians,  with  whom  the  Hopi  have  exchanged  many  songs. 


NAWOHCHI   TAWI. 
{Discharming  Song.^) 


I.     To  the  North. 


>Meaning  not  known.^ 


Aniyana  aniyana, 

Aniyanayahahana, 

Hiyahahanahahahai 

Aniyana  aniyana, 

Aniyanayaahaana 

Hiyahahanahahahai,      .... 

Ayanqoho  shuhkwinifiaqo,     .     .     .      From  over  there,  due'  north. 

Shuhsikangpu  wiicoko, Just*  (the)  yellow  eagle  wing  feather. 

Itamuyu  chionani,  chiwanani,    .     .      (Come  and)  discharm,  discharm  us. 


2.     To  the  West. 


Aniyana  aniyana,  .... 
Aniyanayahahana,  .  .  . 
Hiyahahanahahahai,  .  . 
Ayanqoho  shuhtawanqo,  . 
Shu  ushkwanqpu  wiicoko, 
Itamuyu  chionani,  chiwanani, 


1 


Meaning  not  known. 

From  over  there,  due  west. 

Just  (the)  blue  eagle  wing  feather. 

(Come  and)  discharm,  discharm  us. 


■Meaning  not  known. 


3.     To  the  South. 

Aniyana  aniyana, 

Aniyanayahahana, 

Hiyahahanahahahai,      .... 

Ayangqoho  shutatyaqo,     ....      From  over  there,  due  south. 

Shupalangpu  wiicoko, Just  (the)  red  eagle  wing  feather. 

Itamuyu  chionani,  chiwanani,    .     .      (Come  and)  discharm,  discharm  us. 


4.  To  the  East. 

Aniyana  aniyana, 

Aniyanayahahana, 

Hiyahahanahahahai 

Ayanqo  shushhopaqo 

Shuuqotcwi  wiicoko, 

Itamuyu  chionani,  chiwanani,    .     . 

5.  To  the  Northeast  {above). 

Aniyana  aniyana, 

Aniyanayahahana, 

Hiyahahanahahahai, 

Ayanqo  shushongaqo,    .     .     .     .     . 

Shuuqomvi  wiicoko, 

Itamuyu  chionani,  chiwanani,    .     . 


^Meaning  not  known. 

From  over  there,  due  north. 

Just  (the)  white  eagle  wing  feather. 

(Come  and)  discharm,  discharm  us. 


^Meaning  not  known. 

From  over  there,  due  (just)  above. 
Just  (the)  black  eagle  tail  feather. 
(Come  and)  discharm,  discharm  us. 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  149 

6.     To  the  Southwest  (below). 

Aniyana  aniyana, "1 

Aniyanayahahana ^Meaning  not  known. 

Hiyahahanahahahai, | 

Ayaqoho  shuatyaqo, From  over  there,  due  (just)  below. 

Coonwaiyo  pawonmana/    ....      Beautiful  corn  stalk  maiden. 
Itamuyuwungwinani,wungwinana,      (Come  and)  raise,*  raise  us. 

Aniyana  aniyana,     .     .     .     .    "l 

Aniyahayahana K Meaning  not  known. 

Hiyahahanahahahai,    ... 


1.  The  paraphernalia  of  every  secret  society  is  supposed  to  exert  a  certain  charm  on  any- 
one coming  in  contact  with  them  or  even  seeing  them.  This  charm  is  of  an  evil  nature  to  anyone 
not  a  member  of  that  fraternity.  The  charm  of  theSnaice  fraternity  is  a  swelling  of  any  part  of  the 
body,  but  principally  of  the  abdomen;  that  of  the  Lalakontu  a  peculiar  eczema,  that  of  the  Powamu 
fraternity  a  swelling  of  the  knee,  etc.  Thus  the  author  is  at  present  treating  an  old  man  for  a 
swelling  in  the  foot.  He  is  said  to  be  Tcu  naapanvu  (snake  charmed),  and  lately  the  author  was 
treating  a  man  whose  knee  was  bent  from  rheumatism'and  who  Was  supposed  to  have  been  hurt  by 
the  charm  of  the  Popwamu.  In  either  case  the  chief  priest  of  the  respective  order  was  called  to 
drive  out  the  charm,  which  he  tried  to  do  by  singing  the  Naivohchi  ta-ivi  (discharming  song).  In 
order  to  relieve  the  participants  in  a  secret  ceremony  of  this  Charm  so  that  it  should  not  extend  its 
evil  influence  to  any  uninitiated,  all  gather  around  the  fireplace  at  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremony 
and  sing  this  song  in  connection  with  certain  ceremonies,. as  described  at  the  proper  place  in  this 
paper.     (See  page  109.) 

2.  It  seems  strange  that  we  have  thus  far  been  unable  to  ascertain  the  meaning  of  this 
word  aniyana  or  aniyaana,  which  occurs  in  so  many  Hoi)i  songs. 

3.  The  prefix  jAm,  here  translated  "due,"  may  also  mean  "just,"  "  straight,"  "exactly,"  etc. 

4.  See  previous  note.  .      . 

5.  No  explanation  could  be  given  by  the  priests  why  the  last  two  lines  in  the  sixth  stanza 
should  be  so  different  from  what  would  be  expected  from  the  order  observed  in  the  other  five  stanzas. 

The  corn  stalk  is  considered  to  be  of  female  gender  and  called  a  ntana,  virgin,  or  maiden, 
although  she  is  supposed  to  have  children  (the  corn  ears),  as  has  already  been  explained.  The 
corn  ear  which  is  given  to  the  candidates  for  initiation. is  also  said  .to  be  a  tftana,  virgin,  although 
the  owner  calls  it  his  mother,  because,  the  Hopi  say,  they  live  on  and  draw  life  from  the  corn  as  the 
child  draws  life  from  its  mother. 

6.  The  word  "  raise"  is  here  used  in  the  sense  that  we  speak  of  a  child  being  raised.  The 
yirord  in  the  original  may  also  be  rendered  "  to  grow,"  "  to  become  large."    See  previous  note. 

PAWALAWU   SONGS.i 

/.    Natwan   Tawi  {Planting  Song). 

A.    Places  Mentioned  West  of  Oraibi. 

Tahaow,  tahaow  muraa,     .     .     .     .    ) 

Tahaow,  tahaow  muraa,     ....    J  Meaning  obscure.'^ 

Uhuyi  yuyaha, Thq  pjants  are  being  clothed.* 

1  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa The  sun  he  is  bringing. 

Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa The  sun  he  is  watching.* 

Apoh'niwa  tahawata  pakiqohoo,     .  Whenat  Apohoniwa*^  the  sun  is  setting. 

Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

2  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....      The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....      The  sun  he  is  watching. 

Polikiwa  tahawata  pakiqohoo,  .     .      When  at  Polikiwa*  the  sun  is  setting. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 


150      Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropologv^  Vol.  III. 

3  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     .    .     .  The  sun  he  is  bringing'. 

Tahawa  wunimiiyiwu, The  sun  he  is  watching. 

Angwushkiwatahawatapakiqohoo,  When  at  Angwushki^  the  sun  is  setting. 

Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

4  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 

Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa The  sun  he  is  watching. 

Kihishkiwa  tahawata  pakiqohoo,  .  When  at  Kishki*  the  sun  is  setting. 

Uhuyi  yiiyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

5  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Biwashchomo  tawahato  pakiqohoo,  When  at  Biwashchomo*  the  sun  is  setting. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

6  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 

Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa The  sun  he  is  watching. 

Matcikuypiwatahawata pakiqohoo,  When  at  Matcikuypi'"  the  sun  is  setting. 

Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

7  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimiiyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Tobospiwa  tahawata  pakiqohoo,    .  When  at  Tohospi"  the  sun  is  setting. 
Uhuyi  yiiyaha The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

8  Tahawaha  wikimviyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimiiyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Awawawa  tahawata  pakiqohoo,     .  When  at  Awaawa'"  the  sun  is  setting. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

9  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Piihiipava  tahawata  pakiqohoo,     .  When  at  the  traiP'  the  sun  is  setting. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

10  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     .•    .     .     .  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Shiwaatciwa  tahawata  pakiqohoo,  When  at  Shiwaatciwi'*  the  sun  is  setting. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

11  Tahawaha  wikimiiyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimiiyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Tcookavowa  tahawata  pakiqohoo,  When  at  Tcookavo'*  the  sun  is  setting. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

B.    Places  Mentioned  East  of  Oraibi. 


1  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa, 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa, 
Tukwaachiwi    tahawata 

qoho, 

Uhuyi  yuyaha,  .... 

2  Tahawaha  wikimiiyiwa, 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa, 


yamaqo 


The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
The  sun  he  is  watching. 

When  at  Tukwaachiwi'"  the  sun  is  rising. 
The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
The  sun  he  is  watching. 


Kwihihovi  tahawata  yamaqoqoho,      When  at  Kwiwiovi*'  the  sun  is  rising. 
Uhuyi  yiiyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 


Dec.  1 90 1.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  151 

3  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa The  sun  he  is  bringing. 

Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 

Hotakpiwu  tahawata  yamaqoqoho,  When  at  Hotaku"  the  sun  is  rising. 

Uhiiyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

4  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....      The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyina,     ....      The  sun  he  is  watching. 

Munaooi  tahawata  pamaqoqoho,    .       When  at  Mufiaooi"  the  sun  is  rising. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

5  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Hatikupiwa  tahawata  yamaqoqoho,  When  at  Hatikuypi'"  the  sun  is  rising. 
Uhiiyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

6  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Moriuypiwa  tahawata  yamaqoqoho,  When  at  Moriuypi"  the  sun  is  rising. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

7  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....  The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Tobaawawa  tahawata  yamaqoqoho.  When  at  Tobaawawa"  the  sun  is  rising. 
Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

8  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa The  sun  he  is  bringing. 

Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....  The  sun  he  is  watching. 

Oatcmowa  tahawata  yamaqoqoho.  When  at  Oatcma"  the  sun  is  rising. 

Uhuhi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

9  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa,     ....      The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
Tahawaha  wunimuyiwa,    ....      The  sun  he  is  watching. 
Tuhutckwahat    anashat    yamaqo-    )  When  midway  at  the  fields'*  the  sun  is 

qoho, )         rising. 

Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

10  Tahawaha  wikimuyiwa The  sun  he  is  bringing. 

Tahawaha  wunimiiyiwa The  sun  he  is  watching. 

Tawakingaqo    tahawata  yamaqo-  ^  When  at  the  sun  shrine'*  the  sun  is  ris- 

qoho J         ing. 

Uhuyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

Tahaow,  tahoow  muraa, .     .     .    ■> 

Tahaow,  tahoow  muraa, .     .     .     I  Meaning  obscure. 

Tahaow,  tahoow  muraa,  ...     I 
Tahaow,  tahoow  wikimuyiwa,    .     .      The  sun  he  is  bringing. 
UhQyi  yuyaha, The  plants  are  being  clothed. 

1.  Unfortunately  only  three  of  the  Powalawu  songs  could  thus  far  be  obtained,  and  it  is  to 
be  feared  that  with  the  old  Powamu  chief  most  of  them  will  die  out. 

2.  The  first  two  words  refer  to  the  sun,  but  as  the  meaning  of  the  last  word  seems  to  be  lost, 
it  is  difficult  to  say  what  these  two  lines  really  say. 

3.  The  idea  is  that  the  seeds  and  plants  supposed  to  be  planted  at  the  time  when  the  sun 
rises  or  sets  at  the  places  named  in  the  different  verses  are  being  clothed  or  dressed  in  the  ground 
—probably  with  moisture  and  the  power  of  germination — so  that  they  can  grow.  When  asked  by 
whom,  the  priests  said  that  they  did  not  know,  but  thought  by  Muyingwa,  the  God  of  Germination, 


152       Field  Columkian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III.. 

who  is  supposed  to  live  atyaka  (below).  The  husks  on  a-  corn  ear  are  called  its  clothes,  and  the 
putting  on  of  feathers  and  herbs  on  a  baho  is  called  clothing  or  dressing  it,  and  of  clouds  it  is  said 
that  they  are  clothed  with  balaye  (rain  water). 

4.  Reference  is  here  made  to  the  watching  of  the  sun  and  the  infiuencing  of  his  return  by 
the  priests.  It  is  said  that  especially  the  Flute  priests  are  here  meant  because  from  January,  when 
the  Flute  priests  make  baJios  especially  to  the  sun,  until  the  summer  solstice,  when  they  do  so  again, 
it  is  their  business  to  see  that  the  sun  receives  his  proper  prayer  offerings;  while  from  the  summer 
to  the  winter  solstice  the  sun  is  under  the  "care"  of  the  Soyal  priest,  who  also  controls  the  Soyal 
ceremony  by  which  the  sun  is  sup))0sed  to  be  induced  to  return  from  his  southward  course. 

5.  A  high  peak  northwest  of  Oraibi. 

6.  k  small  bluff  northwest  of  Oraibi  called  "  Butterfly  house." 

7.  "  Crow  house,"  a  steep  bluff  northwest  of  Oraibi,  a  favorite  place  for  crows. 

8.  "  Hawk  house,"  a  bluff  in  the  same  direction  from  Oraibi,  a  favorite  hatching  place  for 
hawks. 

9.  "  Breast  hill,"  referring  to  the  shape  of  the  knoll,  which  is  said  to  resemble  that  of  a 
female  breast.    .Also  northwest  of  Oraibi. 

10.  .\  place  in  the  same  direction.  Meaning  obscure;  perhaps  "hand  cup"  or  "hand 
vessel,"  the  name  being  derived  from  its  shape. 

11.  K  place  in  the  same  direction.  Meaning  obscure;  might  perhaps  mean  an  implement 
for  grinding  tohci  (sweet  corn-meal). 

12.  .A  ridge-like  elevation  consisting  principally  of  awu<iwa,  a  hard,  gritty  stone,  northwest 
of  Oraibi. 

13.  .\  trail  northwest  of  Oraibi. 

14.  \  high,  steep  bluff,  same  direction;  meaning  obscure. 

15.  A  place  right  northwest  of  and  close  to  Oraibi,  where  there  is  much  tcooka  (clay). 

16.  This  place  is  nearly  east  of  Oraibi;  meaning  obscure.  When  the  sun  rises  here  the  early 
varieties  of  sweet  corn  are  planted. 

17.  A  ledge  on  which  a  certain  herb,  kiviwi,  grows  abundantly.     Northeast  of  Oraibi. 

18.  "  Spoon-shaped  back,"  same  direction;  referring  to  the  shape  of  the  place. 

19.  "  Porcupine  hill,"  same  direction.    Time  for  planting  various  kinds  of  watermelons. 

20.  "  Hatika  planting  (place),"  from  hatika,  a  large  flat  bean,  because^this  bean  is  especially 
planted  when  the  sun  rises  at  this  place. 

21.  "  Bean  planting  (place),"  because  then  all  kinds  of  beans  are  being  planted. 

22.  Tobatukiwi,  a  bluff  on  the  top  of  which  grow  considerable  pifion  trees. 

23.  "Stone  hill,"  a  knoll  of  stones. 

24.  The  fields  in  the  valley  northeast  of  Oraibi. 

25.  The  shrine  where  Flute  priests  deposit  their  prayer  offerings  to  the  sun. 

26.  See  note  2. 

//.    Namunwau  Taivi*  {Racing  Song). 

1  Nanamuniwai  ahahaiahahahai,  .  Be  racing,' 
Nanamuhunwai  ahahaahahahai,  Be  racing." 
Nanamuniwai  ahahaiahahahai,  .  Be  racing. 
Nanamuhunwai  ahahaahahahai,  Be  racing. 
Ponnwaha  hohtawaha,    ....  The  abdomen,  the  back. 

Hohongwika (A  bird  of  prey.) 

Kuwakwa  lawaiyi, With  joyful  words. 

Yahayahatimahai,       .....  Be  happy." 

Yahayahatimahai, Be  happy.* 

2  Nanamuniwai  ahahaiahahahai, .  Be  racing. 
Nanamuhunwai  ahahaahahahai.  Be  racing. 
Ponowaha  hohtawaha,    ....  The  abdomen,  the  back.* 
Kihishaha, The  hawk. 


Dec.  igoi.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  153 

Kuwakwa  lawaiyi With  joyful  words. 

Yahayahatimahai Be  happy. 

Yahayahatimahai, Be  happy. 

3  Nanamuniwai  ahahaiahaiahai,  .  Be  racing. 
Nanamuhunwai  ahahaahahahai,  Be  racing. 
Ponowaha  hohtawaha,    ....  The  abdomen,  the  back. 

Natayawu, (A  bird  of  prey.) 

Kuwakwa  lawaiyi, With  joyful  words. 

Yahayahatimahai, Be  happy. 

Yahayahatimahai, Be  happy. 

4  Nanamuniwai  ahahaiahai, ...  Be  racing. 
Nanamuhunwai  ahahaahahai,     .  Be  racing. 

Ponowaha  hohtawaha The  abdomen,  the  back. 

Sawitoaya, (A  bird  of  prey.) 

Kuwakwa  lawaiyi With  joyful  words. 

Yahayahatimahai Be  happy. 

Yahayahatimahai, 9e  happy. 

Nanamuniwa  ahahaiahai,   ...  Be  racing. 

Nanamuhunwai  ahahaahahahai,  Be  racing. 

Nanamuniwa  ahahaiahaiahai,     .  Be  racing. 

Nanamuhunwai  ahahaahahahai,  Be  racing. 


♦The  meaninff  of  this  song  is  somewhat  obscure.    The  words  given  in  the  translation  are  the 
ones  in  the  original,  though  their  connection  is  not  very  apparent. 

1.  The  messenger  soon  to  be  sent  with  the  black  balls  to  mark  out  the  race  circuit  is  here 
said  to  be  referred  to. 

2.  The  men  to  participate  in  the  oncoming  races  are  here  meant. 

3.  This  word  has  different  meanings,  "glad,"  "  happy,"  "  sprightly,"  "  lively,"  etc. 

4.  See  previous  note. 

c.    Nobody  could  tell  me  thus  far  why  the  abdomen  and  back  are  mentioned,  except  that  the 
running  and  the  kicking  the  balls  is  very  fatiguing  for  the  whole  body. 


///.    Namunwau  Taivi  (Racing  Song). 

1  Paayupaiyu  kitamu, Be  off,  be  off,  they  say.' 

Paayupaiyu  kitamu, Be  off.  be  off,  they  say. 

Calapsana  yoongoam,     ....  The  pine  pitch  ball." 

Tuhutckwat  anawit Along  the  fields. 

Wupimaa,  wupimaa, Kick  them,  kick  them.' 

2  Paayupaiyu  kitamu,  ....".  Be  off,  be  off,  they  say. 

Paayupaiyu  kitamu, Be  off,  be  off,  they  say. 

Loqosana  qoongoam The  spruce  pitch  balls. 

Tucakqolot  anawit, Over  the  grassy  places. 

Wupimaa,  wupimaa, Kick  them,  kick  them. 

3  Paayupaiyu  kitamu, Be  off,  be  off,  they  say. 

Paayupaiyu  kitamu Be  off,  be  off,  they  say. 

lakwaoa  qoongoam, The  blue  stone  balls.* 

Tuhutckwat  anashat,      ....  Through  the  fields. 

Wupimaa,  wupimaa Kick  them,  kick  them. 


154       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

4  Paayupaiyu  kitamu Be  off,  be  off,  they  say. 

Paayupaiyu  kitamu, Be  off,  be  off,  they  say. 

Tuwioa  qoongoam, The  hard  clay  balls.' 

Tuvalat  anashat, Up  the  slopes. 

Wupimaa,  wupimaa, Kick  them,  kick  them. 


1.  Reference  is  here  made  to  the  announcement  made  in  the  different  Icivas  by  some  priest 
on  days  when  the  races  are  to  take  place.  These  races  begin  soon  after  the  Powamu  ceremony 
and  run  through  a  number  of  weeks. 

2.  The  balls  used  in  the  races  are  made  chiefly  of  pitch  and  horse-hair,  the  hair  of  swift 
horses  being  selected.  Sometimes  rabbit-hair  is  added  and  a  few  of  the  hairs  that  grow  over  men's 
big  toes.    Of  course,  this  hair  is  asked  only  of  specially  good  runners. 

3.  Every  kiva  has  its  own  ball,  which  is  kicked  by  the  racers  of  that  kiva  before  them 
through  the  whole  race.    The  circuit  of  these  races  increases  with  every  race. 

4.  A  greenish  stone  is  probably  referred  to,  from  which  a  paint  is  prepared  to  color  the  balls. 

5.  In  the  absence  of  regular  balls,  a  ball  of  particularly  tough  clay  is  sometimes  made  espe- 
cially, also,  by  children  for  practicing  purposes. 


Dec.  1 901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  155 


SPEECHES   OF  POWAMU   PRIEST. 


Speech  of  Powamu  Priest  at  the  Katcina  Initiation. 

Owe,  anchaa.pep  puma  Towanashabee,  puma  shoshoyam  chowalti  ep  shakd- 
tumala,  pai  shaktota  choshmumat  akv  shdkcomioyungwa.  Pantakat  angitam  omi 
noongaqo. 

Angitam  hopoo  sonwat  skushsikangput  homivocvuhtawit  angitam  tonaltima. 
Itamui  Akush  Katcin  mongwit  kiat  aokukuiwaqo.  Sonwat  shushsikangput 
pamocit  akv  kiam  nomiota.  Pantakat  itamui  ang  akyungo.  Akushkatcin 
mongwi  katu.  Sonwak  shushsikangput  homiwocit,  moriwocit,  kawaiwatngat^ 
melonit  naamangwui  yankang  katu.  Yep  Oraibee  ima  chachayomu,  totimhoyamu, 
mamanhoyamu,  natpipak  wungwiotakaamu  sipapuni  epngwat  itawimunangwayu 
tuwitotani;  anchaa  tuwitotani.  Palana  shakwana,  palana  shaklehchioyungwa;. 
chpshmumat  akv  shakcomioyungwa.     Pantakat  itamui  angnoongaqo. 

Ang  itam  tavanga;  sonwak  shushkwangpat  hominvocviihtawit  anga  itam 
tonaltima.  Itamui  Nakatchok  Katcin  niongivit  kiat  aokukuiwaqo  sonvak  shush- 
kawangput  pomocit  akv  kiam  nomiota.  Pantakat  itamui  angakyungqo.  Nakat- 
chok Katcin  mongwi  katu.  Sonwak  shushkwangput  homiwocit,  mariwocit, 
kawaiwatngat,  melonit,  naamangwui  yankau  katu.  Yep  Oraibee  una  chochayomu 
totimhoyamu,  mamanhoyamu,  natpipak  wungwiotakaamu  sipapuni  epngwat 
itavimunangwayu  towitotani;  anchaa  paipi  towitotani.  Palana  shakwuna,  palana 
shaklehchioyungwa,  choshmumat  akv  shakcomioyungwa.  Pantakat  angitamui 
angnoongaqo. 

Ang  itam  tavanga;  sonwak  shuhpalangput  homiwuswiihtawit  anga  itam 
tonaltima.  Itamui  Hotatkatcinmongwit  kiat  aokukuiwaqo.  Sonwak  shushpalan- 
put  pamocit  ok  kiam  nomiota.  Pantakat  itamu  angakyungqo.  Hototkatcin- 
mongwi  katu.  Sonwat  nanadloongat  skush  palangput  hamiwocit,  moriwocit^ 
kawaiwatugat  melonit  naamangwui  yankang  katu.  Yep  Oraibee  ima  chachayomu 
totimhoyamu,  mamanhoyamu,  natpipak  wungwiotakaamu  sipapuni  epngwat 
itavimunangwayu  towitotani ;  anchaa  pai  pi  towitotani.  Palana  shakwuna,  palana 
shaklehchioyungwa,  choshummat  akv  shak  camioyungwa,  pai  pantakat  angitamui 
noongaqo. 

Puu  ang  itamu  tdtoo  sanwak  shushqochat  homiwocwuhtawi  anga  itamu 
tonaltima.  Pun  itamui  Mastop  Katcina  mongwit  kiat  aokukuiwaqo.  Sonwak 
shushqochat  pamocit  akv  kiam  nomiota.  Pantakat  itam  angakyungqo.  Mastop- 
Katcin  mongwi  katu.  Sonwak  shushqochat  homiwocit,  moriwocit,  kawaiwatngat, 
melonit  ndamangwui  yankang  katu.  Yep  Oraibee  chochayomu,  totimhoyamu, 
mamanhoyamu  natpipak  wungwiotakamu  sipapuni  epngwat  itawimuunangwayu 
towitotani ;  anchaa,  paipi  towitotani.  Palana  shakwuna,  palana  shaklehchioyungwa, 
choshmumat  akv  shakcomioyungwa.     Pantakat  itam  agnoongaqo. 

Puu  ang  itamu  kwiniwii  sonwak  shushqomvit  homiwocwuhtawi  anga  itamui 
tonaltima.  Puu  itamui  Sohonsomtakat  kiat  aokukuiwaqo.  Sonwak  pamocit  akv 
kiam  nomiota.  Pantakat  itam  angakyungqo.  Sohoncomtaka  Katcin  mongwi 
katu.  Sonwak  shushqochat  homiwocit,  moriwocit,  kawaiwatngat,  melonit 
ndamangwui  yankang  katu.    Yep  Oraibee  ima  chochayomu  totimhoyamu,  maman- 


156       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

hoyamu  natpipak  wungwiotakamu  sipapuni  epngwat  itawimuunangwayu  towitot- 
ani;  anchaa,  paipi  towitotani.  Palaha  shakwuna,  palana  shaklehchioyungwa 
-choshmumat  akv  shakcomioyungwa.     Pantakat  itam  angnoongaqo. 

Puu  ang  itamu  tawanga  sonwak  nanaaloonat  homiwocwuhtawi  anga  itamu 
tonaltima.  Puu  itamui  Ho  Katcin  mongwit  kiat  aokukuiwaqo.  Sonwak  pamocit 
akv  kiam  nomiota.  Pantakat  itam  angakyungqo.  Ho  Katcin  mongwi  katu. 
Sonwak  nanaaloonot  homiwocit,  mariwocit,  kawaiwatugat,  melonit  naamangwui 
yankang  katu.  Yep  ima  Oraibee  chochayomu  totimhoyamu,  mamanhoyamu  nat- 
pipak wungwiotakamu  sipapuni  epngwat  itawimunangwayu  towitotani;  anchaa, 
paipi  towitotani.  Palana  shakwuna,  palana  shaklehchioyungwu,  choshmuimat 
akv  shakcomioyungwa.     Pantakat  itam  angnoongaqo. 

Ang  totoo  sonwak  nanaaloonot  homiwocwiihtawit  ang  itam  tonaltima. 
Itamui  Palakivay  Katcina  mongwit  kiat  aokukuiwaqo  sonwak  pamocit  akv  kiam 
nomiota.  Pantakat  itamui  ang  akyungqo.  Palakway  Katcin  mongwi  katu. 
Sonwak  nanaalongot  homiwocit  moriwocit,'  kawaiwatngat,  melonit  naamangwui 
yankang  katu.  Yep  ima  Oraibee  chochayomu,  totimhoyamu,  mamanhoyamu 
natpipak  wungwiatakamu  sipapuni  epngwat  ttawimunagwayu  towitotani;  anchaa 
paipi  towitotani.  Palana  shakwuna,  palana  shaklehchioyungwa,  choshummat  akv 
shakcomioyungwa.     Pantakat  itamui  angnoongaqo. 

Ang  hopoo  kiat  sonwak  nanaaloonot  homiwocwiihtavit  ang  itam  tonaltima. 
Itamui  Hahai  Katcinat  kiat  aokukuiwaqo;  sonwak  pamocit  akv  kiam  nomiota. 
Pantakat  itam  angakyungqo.  Hahai  Katcina  katu,  sonwak  nanaalonot  homiwocit, 
moriwocit  kawaiwatngat,  melonit  naamangwui  yankang  katu.  Yep  Oraibee,  ima 
chochayomu  totimhoyamu,  mamanhoyamu,  natpipak  wungwiotokainu  sipapuni 
epngwat  itawimunangway  towitotani;  anchaa,  paipi  towitotani.  Palana  shak- 
wuna, palana  shaklehchioyungwa,  choshummat  ak  shukcomioyungwa;  pantakat 
ang  itamu  ungnoongaqo. 

Ang  yuk  itam  tatoo  sonwak  nanaalangot  homiwocwiihtawit  angtonaltima. 
Itamui  Aototota,  Aholita  pumu  kiamu  aokukuiwaqo.  Sonwak  pamocit  akv  kiam 
nomiota.  Pantakat  itamui  angakyunqo  Aototo  katu;  Aholi  katu.  Sonwak 
nanaalongota  hamiwocita,  moriwocita,  kawaiwatni^at,  melonit,  naamangwu 
yankang  katu.  Yep  Oraibee  ima  chachayomu,  totimhoyamu,  mamanhoyamu, 
•natpipak  wungwiotaka  sipapuni  epngwat  itawimunangwayu  towitotani.  Anchaa, 
paipi  towitotani.  Palana  shakwuna,  palana  shaklehchioyungwa,  choshummat 
akshakcomiayungwa.     Pantakat  ang  itamui  angnoongqo. 

Ang  yuk  kwiniwi  sonak  nanaalongat  homiwocwiihtawita  ang  itam  tonal- 
tima. Itamui  Shakhungoamata,  Lontankwaimata,  Koyongainiivata  pumui 
kiamuya  aokvkuiwaqo.  sonwak  pamocit  ak  kiam  nomiata.  Pantakat  itamui 
angakyungqo.  Shokhungyoma  katu,  Lomonkwaima  katu,  Koyongamiwa  katu. 
Sonwak  nandalongota  homiwocita,  moriwocita  kawaiwatngat,  melonit,  naamangwui 
yankahkang  puma  yeshi.  Ima  yep  Oraibee  chachayomu,  totimhoyamu,  maman- 
hoyamu, natpipak  wungwiotoka  sipapuni  epngwat  itawimunangwayu  towitotani. 
Anchaa  paipi  towitotani.  Palana  shakwuna,  palana  shaklehchioyungwa,  chosh- 
mumat ak  shakcomioyungwa.     Pantakat  itamui  angnoongaqo. 

Puu  umupaa  um  uhsinomuyu  um  uhtimuiyu  uma  shoshokmu  um  uhshipoo 
chowalniyungwa.  Shoshokmui  umi  hur  matswungyungwa  sinmui  umuu  umuh- 
mapqolo  puruknaqo;  mohota  akv  unangwa  talaowani.  Asson  yep  unangwat 
talaowaqo  it  mohot  ngayat  akv  naasniv  passioohtini. 

Pantakat  ahpi  itam  qoyangwuntupo,  sikangwuntupo  it  sonwak  talasswuh- 
.tawita  angawit  wuktowoilat  a  nalonang  wupuhonkata  angpaissoka  pai  nassunnwin- 


Dec.  1901.       The  Oraibi  Powamu  Ceremony — Voth.  157 

tapwisui  yukiqa  shuchchawat  wunuhkat  ak  paissok  pas  pai  wuhtitokwantioni, 
wuhtaktokwantioni.  Pai  pi  okiwa.  Nikang  nu  ka  nala  woinoma  pai  tompo 
okioto  koonak  huwamu! 

Speech  Made  by  the  Powamu  Priest  in  Every  Participating  Kiva  When 
He  Leaves  One  of  the  Bahos  Made  and  Consecrated  in  the 

PowALAwu  Ceremony  on  the  Previous  Day.' 
Owi,  pas  dnchaa  yep  ndtwan  pas  shuan  passiohti.'  Yan  pam  pdpu  ka  hihta 
aonukpantiqoo;  pas  ocuwayuu»  passiokahkangu  omi  kiikuiwaqoo;  pdntakat  ao 
yan  yokwaqoo  put  akv  pumaa  omi  ndwungvni  wishkdhkango,  hingshakipwat 
timkiomui  passiokahkang  omi  ndwunjvnaya,  ndtukvsinaya.  Puu  pdntakat  ang- 
yukuye.  put  akv  yep  mongwashyakahkango  pas  ndooynumyani,  nonowakahkango. 
Pai  owi  yan  hdkam  itam  tondtyaokahkango/  pai  hdhlaikahKango.  ookdoKahiTango, 
yahpi  angk  hoyoyoikuni  shopkawat  sinomu/ 

a  free  rendering  of  the  above  is  as  follows: 
Yes,  very  truly  (or  all  right),  may  the  planting  be  well  accomplished  here. 
May  nothing  (evil)  endanger  it.  May  the  points  come  out  well  (or  very,  pas) 
developed.  And  thus,  it  raining  on  them  (the  plants),  may  they  grow  upward, 
and  m  a  little  while,  the  children  (corn  ears)  being  completed,  grow  upward  (and) 
Tipen  (mature).  And  this  being  done  (with  the  corn  crop),  subsisting  (living)  on 
that  here  we  shall  dispense  it  (lay  it  out)  and  eat  of  it. 

Yes,  therefore,  following  this  (/.  e.,  doing  that  way),  being  happy,  being 
strong,  may  approach  (draw)  from  day  to  day  nearer  and  nearer  all  the  people 
(/.  e.,  toward)  the  consummation  of  the  ceremony. 

1.  This  speech  refers  in  the  first  place  to  the  planting  of  beans  which  is  to  commence  on 
that  day  and  to  continue  for  four  days,  and  for  the  success  or  blessing  of  which  the  baho  is  left  in 
the  kiva  But  as  this  planting  of  beans  is  symbolical  of  the  corn  planting  in  spring,  and  the  main 
object  of  the  Powamu  ceremony  is  to  consecrate  the  fields  and  evoke  the  blessing  of  the  deities  for 
the  approaching  planting  season  and  the  coming  crop,  this  speech  refers  in  a  wide  sense  also  to  the 
latter. . 

2.  The  word  Passionaya  has  various  meanings,  "  to  finish,''  "  complete,"  •'  bring  to  an  end  " 
accomplish,"  etc.,  but  also  -  to  celebrate,"  -  hold  a  ceremony,"  "  worship  ••  (taking  that  word  not 

in  the  sense  of  '•  to  pray,"  but  in  the  wider  sense  of  "  to  perform  a  religious  rite  ").  Here  evidently 
the  wish  IS  expressed  that  the  bean  planting  in  the  kivas  and  the  corn  planting  in  the  fields  later 
on  might  be  brought  to  a  happy  conclusion. 

3-  The  word  ocuwayuu,  translated  with  "  points,"  here  refers  to  the  terminations  or  ends  of 
■the  sprouting  and  growing  beans  and  corn.  My  informant  stated  that  the  upper  end  of  a  feather 
lor  instance,  would  be  called  cu-wayuu,  the  point  of  my  pen  also. 

4-  The  word  tonatyaokahkani  has  many  different  meanings,  and  repeated  conversations 
with  different  members  of  the  various  fraternities  leave  me  still  in  the  dark  as  to  the  exact  meaning 
in  this  closing  sentence,  which,  it  may  be  remarked,  is  a  very  common  winding  up  of  speeches  and 
prayers  in  nearly  all  ceremonies.  The  word  may  mean  "  to  warn,"  "  to  take  care  of,"  "  to  follow" 
or  "carry  out." 

5.  The  phrase  (the  consummation  of  the  ceremony)  is  not  used  in  the  original,  but  when 
asked  what  the  people  should  draw  nearer  to  or  approach,  the  priests  Jnvariablv  sav,  the  last  days 
of  the  ceremony.  In  the  wider  sense  in  which  this  speech  is  made,  probably  the  destinv  of  the 
Hopi  IS  meant. 

It  might  be  a  proper  question  to  ask  why  no  mention  is  made  in  this  speech  of  the  beans  to 
be  planted;  or  why,  if  this  planting  in  the  kivas  is  to  be  considered  a  symbol  of  the  corn  planting 
of  the  Hopi.  not  corn  is  planted  insteid  of  beans.  The  answers  given  me  on  this  question  are- 
I.  Corn  IS  planted  by  the  Powamu  chief,  .Aototo  and  (I  think)  Aholi  Katcinas.  This  is  probably 
considered  to  be  sufficient  for  the  symbolical  purpose.  2.  Because  corn  does  not  grow  so  well  in 
the  kivas.  3.  The  bean  plants  can  be  used,  eaten,  at  the  feast  on  the  last  dav,  and  thus  the  great 
purpose  for  which  corn  is  raised  be  demonstrated,  as  it  were.  The  corn  thev  could  not  eat,  as  it  is 
not  palatable. 


158       Field  Columbian  Museum — Anthropology,  Vol.   III. 

Speech  Made  by  the  Powamu  Priest  on  the  Occasion  of  His  Visiting 

THE  Participating  Kivas  on  the  Second  Powamu 

Day  (Shushtala). 

Owi  yahpinene  change  talata,  epeka  yan  imma  momoyamu,  mamantu  yang 
nowah  tumaltotani.  Ep  yan  ima  Katcinmu  itahkwachimu  yan  tokilnawita  itamu 
tihtaptotani;  ep  yan  nonal  talata.  Epek  itam  put  akv  shopkawat  sinom  nahahlai- 
tapnayani. 

translation. 

Now,  after  this,  in  seven  days  these  women  and  maidens  are  going  to  make 
(prepare)  some  victuals.  Then  these  Katcinas,  our  friends,  entertain  us  (dance 
for  us).    Then  (there)  in  eight  days  we,  all  the  people,  shall  be  gladdened  by  that. 


THE  UBRARY  OF  THE 

FEB  17  1938 

UNIVERSITY  OF  liXlNOIS 


